/ff/'Jr  -y {'///"  // ■> 


rawt«nMif  >/  f,o///tr/ini 


THE 
RELATIONS  OF  EUROPEANS  WITH  CHINA 


THESES 


BY 


LEWIS  S.  PALEN 


AND 


JESSE  H.  WILSON,  JR 


CORNELL  UNIVERSITY 
IT 'T  AC  A,  N.  Y. 
1900  . 


■ 


IICHRY  MORSE  STCPHCM* 


514341 


T    g    ft  P    T^    T,     A    T    I    0    rT    f> 

OF        I  TJ  R   0   P  ft!  tRtll 

7  v  o  m       l  gsl       r  0       16  4  0, 


™o~- - 


pj^jc-  jtovty 

BA0H*LOfi  op  arts 

tawrxs  BTJomm  pai-r  . 

// 


ITHACA,    it.   Y., 
1900. 


7  A  :•■  OF       ||  0  I  !  I  »  S   S. 

P  A  P   I        I . 

THE  RELATIONS  0>'  EUROPEAN  VIT*T  OUT*     HUM  SO  Ifl      . 

I. 
.6  D^rolopiaent  of   the  Sari/  Trade  with  China  prior 

to  IteoartxHS  assy  in  1793 1 

~. 
The  Macartnoy  J^nbassy 16 

III. 

the  Macartney  i&nhassy  down  to  and  through  J,otd 
JlMherst'e   in  1616 21 

TV. 
From  Amherst's  Ettbaasy  to  the  Abolitjon   of  the  3ast 
India  C«qpany*«  Monopoly 


PART        II. 
rpp-r-,  T^^fip <*  ^--!r»"  i  p. ;"<;•'    r,o   1839 

ITS  PRINCIPE  CAMPAIGNS  ARD   T'  CTtTS. 


Page 
The  Evonts  which  lad  It]    +  o   thm  Pcrnnl  Opening  if 


TT 


cfltmti**?    i      1«*0 32 


II, 

The  operations  of  1640 48 

ITT. 
The  dflflBpftlgn   about   Canton 54 

tmssnm  iv. 

The  rbcpedition  In  the  ?Torth   and  on  the  Yan£-t so- 
le! an-    60 

. 
The  Treaty  of  Ran&lng  bWSttiior 67 

^ 77. 


PART        t. 


CHINA  P  33. 


CEAHSB   I. 

THE  DJitfELOPKKXT  OP  1KB  EAFXY  TRADE 

WITH  CHINA  PRIOR  TO  I!AGART!tKY»S  EMBASSY  IT i'1793. 

In  order  tc  understand  the  relations  of  Euroi>eans  with 
China  during;  the  deoade  following  the  abolition  of  the  East 
India  Conprur/'s  monopoly  of  the  trade  with  China  in  1833,  it 
is  imperative  that  an  account  should  be  given  of  the  relations 
of  Europeans  prior  to  that  year.  It  is  ,  therefore,  the  purpose 
in  the  first  pages  of  this  thesis  to  trace  "briefly  the  history 
of  the  opening  of  the  Chinese  trade  and  of  its  prosecution 
through  the  varying  vicissitudes  of  a  trifle  over  two  hundred 

rs.  For  it  must  he  remembered  that  the  history  of  the  trade 
from  the  appearance  of  the  Portuguese  in  15 16  to  the  abolition 
of  the  Company's  charter  in  1833  is  the  history  of  China5 s 
intercourse  with  Europeans  and  European  powers.  The  est orders 
went  there  to  trade.  J&ctensien  of  rheir  commerce  impelled  them 
to  run  the  risks  they  did.  whatever  fighting  they  did  arose 
out  of  trade  complications  or  out  of  difficulties  between  two 
otf  the  European  powers  at  home,  with  which  we  have  little  con- 
cern. Any  embassies  or  official  communications  received  by  or 
sent  from  the  Chinese  court  that  may  be  said  to  have  approached 
the  dignity  of  international  relations,  as  we  know  them  in 


this  day,  invariably  had  their  origin  in  a  desire  for  some 
regulation  of  the  trade • 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  not,  fortunately,  necessary  to 
give  time  to  the  consideration  of  various  historical  problems 
which  connect  themselves  with  the  earlier  periods  of  this 
great  empire's  life.  Such  a  study  would  doubtlessly  prove  in- 
teresting and  profitable,  but  it  would  contribute  little  to  a 
better  understanding  of  China's  Kuroppan  relations  during  a 
part  of  the  present  century.  .Tot  until  lg?4  do  we  get  any  facts 
which  in  any  way  foreshadow  or  foretell  what  the  future  dealing 
between  China  and  the  Europeans  may  be.  In  that  year  two  nohle 
Venetians,  Hicolo  and  Matteo  Polo  by  name,  who  a  few  years 
earlier  had  mad©  a  journey  to  China  by  way  of  the  land  rou»e 
from  the  Ked.it err anean,  returned  to  the  court  of  the  great 
Cablai  Khan,  bringing  with  then  young  Marco  Polo,  the  son  of 
Hicolo.  Karco  served  the  Chinese  government  j.n  various  capaci- 
ties for  seventeen  years.  Then  in  the  last  decade  of  the 
eighteenth  century  he  returned  to  Venice  with  such  stories  of 
the  vast  wealth  Mil  resources  of  the  Chinese  Snpire  that  he 
soon  won  for  himself  the  name  of  "Messer  Karoo  Millione"  be- 
cause of  his  frequent  use  of  that  niimeral.  But  however  dis- 
credited his  tales  of  travel  and  adventure  may  have  been  in 
his  own  day,  his  careful  record  of  them  allows  scholars  of  to- 
day to  attest  their  truth.  His  horde  of  precious  stones  and 
jewelB  hidden  in  the  linings  fcf  his  tattered  clothes  probably 


3 

constituted  the  first  consignment  of  Chinese  goods  whioh  any 
European  had  "brought  directly  from  the  far  east,  Whatever 
Chinese  goods  may  have  o  erne  i;  to  Bur ope  before  this  time  must 
hare  passed  through  the  Egyptian  or  Byzantine  entrepots. 
/     Sir  John  F.  Davis  in  hie  excellent  work  on  China,  from 
which  the  matter  of  this  introduction  has  hean  chiefly  drawn, 
sgcys:  "Abundant  evidence  is  afforded  "by  Chinese  records  that  a 
much  more  liberal  as  well  as  enterprising  deposition  once  ex- 
isted, in  respect  to  foreign  commerce,  than  has  prevailed 
since.  Ml)  This  gives  us  a  clue  to  use  in  searching  for 
reasons  of  the  later  and  present  unwillingness  on  t1     rt  of 
the  Chinese  to  allow  unrestricted  trade  with  foreigners.  T)\xr4> 
ing  the  last  part  of  the  thirteenth  century,  Chinese  junks 
were  seen  as  far  west  as  the  Malabar  coast  of  India.  And  the 
records  show  tlui  back  in  the  seventeenth  century  several 
missions  were  dispatched  to  neighboring  countries  to  encourage 
and  build  up  trade  and  that  the  benefits  of  trade  and  industry 
were  extolled  throughout  the  Empire.  What  a  change  in  feeling 
Lord  Macartney  and  Lord  Amherst  found  in  1793  and  16161  As  the 
reason  for  this  change  Davis  assigns  the  conquest  ©f 

nchow  Tartars  in  1644  and  their  subsequent  influence.  Their  l 
fear  of  the  evil  effects  of  increased  knowledge  on  the  stabil- 
ity o*  their  dominions  led  to  their  contempt  for  Europeans. (2) 
The  first  Europeans  to  establish  themselves  in  China  were 


(1)  Davie,  I.,  11.  (a)  Davis,  I.,  11. 


4 
the  Portuguese*  TTnder  the  direction  of  Prince  Henry  the 
Navigator  they  had  slowly  worked  their  way  down  the  western 
coast  of  Africa,  Then  in  1498,  although  the  promoter  of  the 
great  enterprise  had  died  a3.most  forty  years  before,  Vasco  da  < 
Gama  discovered  the  direct  sea  route  to  India  round  the  Cape 
of  Good  Hope.  The  Portuguese  ^irst  appeared  at  Canton  In  1516. 
Rafael  Perestrello  in  that  yer  conducted  the  first  ship  to 
sail  to  Chin*,  undor  a  JJuropean  flag.(l)  IXiring  the  next  few 
years,  under  the  direction  of  Ferdinand  "Partus   do  Andr&da, 
their  conduct  won  for  them  the  confidence  and  favor  of  tfi 

Inese  authorities, (2)  ' 

With  .Andrada  sailed  one  Thome  Vires,   who  had  been  entrus- 
ted "by  the  governor  of  the  Portuguese  establishment  at  Ooa 
wit>^  an  embassy  to  the  imperial  court  at  Peking.  Its  object 
was  to  secure  trading  concessions  for  the  Portuguese  at  Canton 
as  well  as  Maooa.  The  prophet jc  spirit  of  this,  the  first  of 

it  lonr*  list  of  embassies  that  have  gore  to  the  Chinese 
court  at  Peking,  Justifies  a  somewhat  detailed  account  of  its 
treatment.  Pires,  en  his  arrival  at  Peking,  found  the  court 
influenced  against  him  by  a  subject  of  the  Suit         cca, 
whe  complained  against  the  action  of  the  Portuguese  in  forcibly 
seising  the  city  of  that  name.  Then  the  Chinese,  moved  probab- 
ly by  the  outrageous  conduct  of  Simon  Andrada,  who  had  caiite 
overturned  the  good  reputation  established  by  his  brother, 

(1)  Danvers,  200;  Williams,  432.        (2)  Davis,  X.,  12. 


5 

questioned  tho  validity  of  the  embassy  and  detained  Pires  at 
Canton  until  1525,  when  the:*  killed  him.  This  failure  to  ob- 
tain any  of  the  important  points  of  negotiation  for  which  tho 

assy  had  been  sent  marks  the  attempts  of  most  of  its  succes- 
sors, whether  from  Portugal  or  from   any  other  TJuropean  power.  (D 
The  general  deportment  of  tho  Portuguese  fo»-  the  next  few 

ra  aroused  suspicion  of  all  JSuropeane  in  the  minds  o 

,  who  oame  to  knew  the  foreigners  as  men  seeking  wealth 
and  earing  little  how  they  got  it.  In  1545  the  Bane  Virion 
And       i  had  first,  aroused  the  hostile  feelings  of  tl 
Chinese  established  a  fort  at  Shang-ch'wan,  near  Macao,  wit: 
out  the  permission  of     -H.ceroy  of  Canton;  and  from  there  he 
pillaged  commerce  and  captured  Chinese  subjects  for  Blares. 
The  Chinese  retaliated  by  driving  the  Portuguese  from  their 
ooaetsinstead  of  opening  their  ports  to  European  trade  as  they 

*e  about  to  do  when  Simon  Andrada  arrived.  :\\t   later,  by  the 
exercise  of  that  power  to  win  favor  with  the  Chinese,  in  whieh 
the  Portuguese  showed  themselves  at  all  times  superior  tc  V 
other  nations  of  !5uropef  they  secured  possession  of  the  island 
of  Macao  and  there  btiilt  up  a  permanent  trading  p^st.  The 
authorities  disagree  ae  to  the  ownership  of  this  island  and  as 
to  the  way  in  which  the  Portuguese  gained  the  controlling 
interest  there.  Staunton(l),  Panvers(2)  r?,r\A   the  Rev.  George 
SmithA assert,  that  ?'acao  was  given  the  Portuguese  in  return  for  l* 

(1)  Staunton,  (2)  Panvers,        (3)  Smith,  6&. 


6 
for  valuable  servicer;  against  the  marauding  pirates  who  preyed 
upon  the  Chinese  coast.  Davis  sjqcs  that  this  commonly  accepted 
view  of   the  case  is  erroneous.  Ke  points  out  that  the  BJsh< 
of  Nacao  virote,  in  lft$j  thai  it  was  "by  paying  a  ground-rent 
that  the  Portuguese  acquired  the  temporary  use  and  profit  of 
Macao  ad  nutum  of  the  emperor. n   Davis  seems  to  have  made  t!i 

refill  research  into  the  matter(l),  while  all  the  others 
have  -vidently  copied  the  statement  of  some  earlier  fcthcrity 
which  was  Made  without  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  facts. 

For  some  years  after  158*?  the  tradeof  tl o  Portuguese  with 
flourish^.   t  later  it  gradually  fell  away  until 
d  almost  entirely  died  ettt  at  the  beginning  0fi  the  present 
century.  During  the  period  from  1516  tc  1753  the  Portuguese 
\/6ent  to  the  court  at  Peking  four  embassies,  count ir     t  of 
Pir   .  "hey  ne«>d  little  attention  and  will  bear  of  but  trifling 
distinction  because  of  the  similarity  cf  their  treatment  ar 
results;  for  they  all  "exhibit  the  usual  spectacle  of  arrogance 
the  one  side  and  profitless  submission  on  the  other.  "(2) 
Such  was,  in  brief,  the  course  cf  the  discovert     first 
promoters  of  Chinese  trade.  Yet  contemporaneous  with  the  Portu- 
guese in  China  were  three  other  European  nations  whose  early 
relation*  well  now  be  briefly  sketched.  It  has  seemed  best, 
however,  to  treat  the  whol  period  of  each  c< e  separately  and 
to  lead  up  finally  to  the  "English  relations  after  the  year 

(1)  Davis,  I.,  18.  (2)  Davis,  I.,  20. 


7 
1833  will  fom  the  body  of  this  thesis. 

To  the  Spanish  little  space  need  be  given.  They  had  the 
right  of  trading  to  Macao  indiscriminately  with  the  Portuguese. 
The  privileges  of  Canton  and  Amoy  were  also  open  to  them.  Yet 
because  of  their  shortsightedness  in  restricting  the  number  of 
ships  to  be  engaged  in  the  Chinese  trade  and  because  of  their 
failure  to  take  advantage  of  the  facilities  offered  by  their 
possessions  in  the  Philippines,  they  have  been  of  little  moment 
in  the  eastern  tKade(l). 

The  Butch,  on  the  other  hand,  though  of  but  little  more 
import  ince  from  the  standpoint  of  mere  trade  with  Chinaf 
deserve  somewhat  more  careful  study  in  their  character  of 
rivals  and  competitors  of  the  English  in  eastern  seas. As  early 
as  ln24  the  Dutch  formed  a  settlement  on  the  western  ooast  of 
Formosa  and  also  oco.npied  the  Pescadores,  a  group  of  small 
islands  lying  between  Formosa  and  the  mainland.  Liberty  of  com- 
merce with  China  was  at  first  denied,  but  later  granted  on 
condition  the  Dutch  would  ev  .cu  vte  the  Pescadores.  Port  Zealand 
in  Formosa  was  built  some  years  later.  The  capture  of  Fort 
Zealand  in  1#6£  by  Koshinca,  the  son  of  the  recently  dethroned 
Tartar  emperor,  and  the  expulsion  of  the  Butch  from  the  island 
soon  out  short  the  desultory  and  irregular  trade  with  China 
and  forced  the  Dutch  to  return  to  Java  >.nd  Batavia,  to  their 
taade  in  spices.  A  later  attempt  from  Batavia  to  take  Fort 

(1)  Davis,  I.,  26. 


d   failed(l). 
Then  in  1664  Van  ^Toorn  was   sent  as  a  envoy    U  Peking  tc 
petition   the  government  for    t  concessions  and   fc  ~mis- 

si  on  to  erec  +   factories  at   certain  cities  on  the  coast. 
mission  proved   absolutely  fruitless,    even  f  arc  14.1  j   for   the 

r  gained  nought  for  his  efforts  save  his  own 
ltanlllatien(2) •   Yet   Juet   one  hundred  fifty  years  Inter  they 

ntlrely  forgotten  the   leescai    of  ^T  rn 's 

Llure  by  pure  sub- 

;  prostrating   ceremonies    ef   the   court   1-  n   the 

comn*refctl  admrntegee  they  desired.   TheSr  hopes  vtor*  '.  ered 

and  V  ;«n-  in  179f>,    after  obsequiously  submitting   x  o  their 

demands  and  Doing   subjected    to  barbarious  hurdlation  in  return, 
left  Peking  without  having  attained  a  slng3 e   object   of  his 
mission. (r>)  During  t)  '    irorin  between  mission?  the 

Dutch  had  been  chiefly  engaged  in  their  trade  the 

is]  and  their  irregular  fighting  with  the  East  India 

Company's   ships,    so  that    in  i  ineso  trade  pro]  were 

of  but  minor   1 njnr t anc e . ( A  ) 

Before  turning  to  the  IRnglish  trade  during  this  earlier 
period,    a  moment's  consideration  should  be  given  to  Russ5    . 
The  prcsen-.-d^.y  intere,  t  felt   in  the   outcome  of  ia's  grow- 

ing  influence   in  northern  China  justifies  a  search  for    the 
cause  el  t   almost  hypnotic   sway  which  Ruse! a  seems  to  have 


1)  Davis,    I.,    31.      (2)  Williams,   II.,   442.      (3) 
4)  Williams,   II.,  4^3. 


n 


always  possessed  over  the  authorities  at  Peking.  Their  trade 
itself,  being  carried  on  by  the  overland  instead  of  the  sea 
route,  did  not  associate  them  with  the  Europeans  and  thoir 
troubles  alone  the  sea  coast  of  China,  hut  rather  offered   then 
an  opportunity  to  penetrate  almost  unobserved  into  the  northern 
and  we; --tern  provinces  and  to  wjn  a  gradual,  seni -unconscious 
hold  upon  the  poople  of  those  districts.  This  means  of  approach, 
avo '     as  it  did  the  clash  which  the  sudden  appearance  of  un- 

sing  HarcpeaM  off  Canotn  and  the  coast  provinces  ro- 
duccol,  rather  separated  the  Russians  from  the  class  of  the 

ns  and  gained  for   their  emhfQ^siss  to  Peking  a 
degree  of  respect  seldom  show*  to  foreigners.  Davis  says  their 
envoys  in  1  "    nd  1J%$  lly  cordial  receptions, 

"demonstrative  pf   the  estj  mat  J.  on  in  which  the  power  of  Russia 
a  treaty  of  1727  the  Russians  were  granted  the 
of  establishing  a  church  and  college  of  prieste  at 
Peking  and  of  keeping  four  young  "Russians  at  the  capital  to 
study  t"  and  act  as  interpreters. (1)         the 

Idle  of  the  present  cent*     lay  continued  this  quiet  trading 
p  being  seldom  if  ever  considered  as  possible  rivals 
to  their  more  westerly  brethem.  Yet  in  this  lonr;  established 
friendly  latejpeourt ■■•,  protected  by  its  1s<"  'he 

omfcnr  plots  of  rival  traders,  seem  to  lie     "cundations 
of  that  firmer  structure  which  Russia  has  been  steadily  build- 

(1)  Davie,  T. . 


10 
ing  in  upper  China.  Its  threatened  completion  forms  England'* 
mo  si  puzasling  eastern  pj'5»l§n  of  to-day. (1) 

t  wh%t  Russia  and  what  all  the  other  nations  trading 
with  China  accomplished  or  suffered  is  of  importance  tc    our 
theme  only  in  so  far  as  it  has  touched  English  affairs  or  has 
served,  by  way  of  il  lust  rat  5  on,  to  throw  light  upon  intricate 
Chinese  customs  methods  otherwise  incor     risible.  Of  course, 
the  English  had  to  learn  the5r  lesson?  from  experience  just 
as  the  others  did,  hut  their  ultimate  success  crr.r   arc?  above 
that  of  anjr  other  nationality  tKading  in  the  east  may  have  been 
partly  due  to  t^eir  observation  and  correction  of  fche  errors 
made  by  their  competitors. 

It  was  in  1^37  that  Capt.  Weddell,  with  a  fleet  of   four 
shirs,  succeeded  in  opening:  the  first.  trMlag  relatione  be- 
tween the  English  and  Chinese.  Arrived  off  Maoao  c      21  ,  he 
sailed  up  the  riynr   to  Cantor,  and  requested  the  mandarins  to 
allow  him  to  take  cargoes  fr.r   his  ships.  The  mandari: 
poisoned  by  the  Portuguese  tales  against  the  English,  refrained 
from  answering  until  they  could  fort      oaatls  en  J Hi  *-iver 
bank.  The  Bnglish  retaliated  for  an  unprovoked  bombardment  of 
their  vessels  by  capturing  the  fort  and  demanding  an  explana- 
tion. The  mandarins  cringed  before  them  and  flowed  th 

in 
load. (2)  A  second  attempt  to  establish  commercial  intercourse 

with  Canton  failed  beoause  of  the  exorbitant  port  charges 
(1)  Davis,  I.,  32.  (*)  Davis,  I.,  34. 


11 

Lolals  proposed  to  l«Ty  upon  ^higlish  vessels,  a  the 

Joalotis  plotting   of   the  Portuguese  w^s   supposed   to   instrumental 
in   the 1  r  failure* 

on   In  1670  trade  was   opened  KosMagft  after  he  k 

driven  13  toh  fron  Formosa  only  eight  years  before.   This 

Formes     trade,   however,    Mref  prov  •  of i table   to  w  :.   its 

continuance  and  in  X661    the  fac  *awn. 

*rentitirr-   suoh  f  A  been  brou  o   India 

16??    0f   -v0  doniranilit;.  y  as  fl   tradi         port    thai    Sir 

.Tosiah   Ch  rdorod   a  factor  tafcllshod    Mi  ere   t 

fel  is  aim        I  discontinued  in 

\noy  was  aid  and  cent:' nuod   to  flourish 

lone  after  Canton  hud  Mccone  hi  el  }5ngll*h  j  -.(1) 

all  attempts  ocurc  a  footing  at  M&eftO  wore  sod  with 

"stupid  pertinacity  ■  Portugese*  TTnder  their 

tutelage  Vr  ,   or  chief  commissioner  of  customs,    imp o sod 

such  enormous  p.nrt.   charges  on  the  Sngllsh  ships  thai  ut  a 

successful  damper  en  all  V-e  J^ast  India  Company's  trade  wi 
Ch>  i  last  decade  if  sovonJ  b   century. (£) 

f   the  first,   sevent}'  years  of  fcho  eighteenth 
century    is  narked  toy  little   of  importance   other   than  the  re- 

tompta  by  the  Tnglish  to   secure   the  reduction   of  these 
on  and   to  huild  v,p   trade   in   other  ports  where   such    exor- 
bitance would  not  he  met  with.   The   Indian   tmd  eastern   ■ 

(1)   Williams,    II. f    448.  (2)   Davis,    I.#    38. 


quarrels  of  the  ^English  and  Fi  timing  the  l«  fcer  h  If  of 

this  period   only  aggravated    Kite   troubles   of  the  &fi  nd 

ropeans  in  the   estimation  of  the  Chinese. (1) 
■jmer   of  deal"  :lishmen   necane   intolerable. 

.   Flint,   who  wj  :.s  colleague  Mr.   F^rrison  bad   sought   to 

see  tc   trading  ooneeseioi  ittf£P*i   was   seized  "by  the  man- 

Imprisoned  for   tare  yn  id   finally  n  hoard  ship 

inc'den"  ' .  *  s 

arrogant  and  dM  ■4-ful  in 

the   e;  .  (arable  treatment   at   the 

became  on-?  of  tfc«   Ohief  re   eons  fe  ' 
di;-/  to  the  eourt   at  Peking.   n  is 

tfcrcw  '"  •■■  Chinese  in  i  '-■■.>-*- 

Le  injustices  against  re  by  learning 

ndai'iontal  I  verniy-  lir   intercourse  wltlJ 

\* .    A  faith*        rattalatten  runs:   "The  barbari  re 

a  "beasts  and  are  nc  ruled  on  the  ease  principle  as 

e it 1 sens.  one   ti  attempt  controlling   '"        "       ;reat 

f  reason  it  would  1  nothing  hut.   eenfaslen.   The 

ano  kings  well  understood  this,     ind  accordingly  ruled  bar- 

by  misru!  -of  ore  to  rule  barbarians  by  mi  Brule  is 

host  |  them. "(2) 

ftlt   of    this  theory  of  Justice   and   eut   of    the  fact 

Is  assisted  the  Chinese  in  ataimisteris 


(1)  Davis,    X.,    It,  (2)  X>avlst    I.,   54» 


13 

tioo  gre-v-  may  atrocious  i,uniyhrienta  for  homicide*  purely 
accidental   or  wholly  excusable  ?>ut   one  ©xanplo  need  bn  c*ven 
ant.  because  its  grose   injuatioe  prev 

coming   enl  assy  to  Poking. 

e   "Gunner's  Case11  arose  In  1?S4«   A  cunner,   firing  i 
8  wltl  tally  killed  a  Chi?-,  arc  an.    ^ho 

•  ^?    was    "  '>ly  sei  gad  and  retained 

ner  wai  .    Tn   §pitt  his 

purr  hhat   no  han  come 

to  hi  (ftgNnw  *a  decision  had  been  r  od,   the 

eh  soon  found   on  jltd. 

1    inai  "'shrian  Buffering  death  in 

this  v  y  and   it   sh  plainly  tv     need   of   some   Int.f-  I  onal 

ont . (1) 

"ore  dealin  HalHUfay  iltii   "       as 

if.  pre  unfr  .t.e  ©rent,   it  In 

o  define    fe]       terns    "sivnercarcn",   Wtitd   Id   iii«  pre- 
cedar  '^raph,    "Hone  3^erc}-rnl  s"   and   "select   c  orani  1 1  <  .■    ",    all 

of  T  h  ~  r  fro  'OUghti  3   f  o"^  lisr  •  . 

Th>  o   of  a  rata  111  Vi  sent   tuft  by  ttia   owners   or 

of  aha   *Mp   tc     .tend  to  the   ship's  tmafttaas  ar- 
its   -  thai-  le  to  say,   to  sel.l   th*  cargo  s.n&  purchase  a 
Wtm  p*   At  fir  si  •  men  were  od 

3h  i n  e  s  o  o  f f  i  a  1  al  I  tor  m  i  iin  In'  C  an  t  on  for  o  n  l  -  i  n 

(1)  Davit,    I.,   5r>. 


14 
riods   of  t-  .r,   "but   1  tm  permitted    I  nahlt. 

themselves  in  thci;  cry  for    tin  year  round,   spondir  sir 

,il- 
rtMllt  J  of  those  mm  for  selsure  as  hostages  for  the  reparation 
of  alleged  injuries,    on  ,  ,   fey 

'lni:  down  to  'Tar.  Canton,    en  the 

>r,       , '      thei     :!  .nt   tm  in  the  trouble*   incident   to 

n « 
yrc  the 

fc   cor.i  I  r  carry 

on  .rade   in  tho  mime   of   the  Or  ttd 

to  d  Chinese   of  Is  in  a  representative  eapa- 

. 

Tho  nen  w<        J  A   oft  cue  nt.  to  contend  wit3  ore   the 

r,n.  ~o  these  few  Chinese  merchants  J     lecti',1 

nt   gave        lualre  privilege  of  dealing  with  til 

t.  "hrough  V  .uission  nerchants  all  the  bttftl* 

'  I   J.ng  had  to  pass.  By  virtue  of  their  ahso- 
to 

gnur1    id  gen     r  did  impose  exorbitant 

pon  t:       see  Euro.     .  A  supposedly  cu  ning  device 
'oh  they  used  to  employ  -  t"  \t   stoppj       'rade  -  proved 

trous  when  thev  found  their  opponents  wielding  their  own 
weapon  with  much  more  <le       "ect.        T   arbitrariness  and 

rd   for  their  pledges,  they  added  another 
reason  for  the  dispatch  of  an  embassy  to  Peking. 


15 
In  consequence  of  all  this  dissatisfaction  felt  againet 
the  Hong  merchant  sin  their  businessdaalings  and  against   the 

ton  officials  for  their  disregard  of  Engl i shiner. •  s  rights, 
and  in  order  to  establish  thfl  British  trade  with  China  tt|  on  a 
firmer  foundation  of  definite  international  agreements,    the 
in  28}  I  dec 5.  Id   to  the  •  ";.   of 

T3  directors  and  tfi  16  miiiitft  Xenipol  to 

ruling  emp'rer.    So   in   Vfb&  Colonel  fl  url    Bd1         *1  for 

11  full  i-o^rerr  rttl    the  Chinese  i  r  and 

to   secure,    if  'hie,    err  ;;lleh 

^ina  vrould  *  firr  le 

basis.        J    death  While  en   re  .  ' 


CHAPTER       II. 
THE    mOAUm    embassy. 

The  sad  and  unfortunate  check  upon  the  first  attempt  at 
an  ?;ngiish  embassy  to  Peking  did  not  prevent  the  government 
from  launching  another,  as  soon  as  expedient,  upon  this  impor- 
tant mission .  Lord  Macartney,  chosen  because  of  his  wide  ex- 
perience and  acknowledged  skill  in  such  matters,  sailed  from 
Portsmouth  in  the  fall  of  1792. 

In  his  admirable  chronicle  of  the  embassy's  voyage  and 
its  stay  in  China,  Sir  George  Staunton,  Bart.,  enumerates  three 
reasons  for  the  missions  first,  to  make  complaint  to  the  em- 
peror against  the  unbearable  treatment  of  Englishmen  by  the 
authorities  at  Canton; (1)  secondly,  to  set  before  the  court  a 
correct  statement  of  the  •Gunner's  Case*  and  by  treaty  agree- 
ment make  the  recurrence  of  such  an  unfortunate  affair  impos- 
sible j( 2)  and  thirdly,  to  strengthen  England fs  commercial  re- 
lations with  China  by  securing  permanent  representation  with 
its  accompanying  advantages  at  the  court  of  Poking  and  by  the 
extension  of   the  locus  of  trade  on  the  eastern  coast. (3) 
Furthermore,  it  is  most  interesting  to  note  the  wide  scope 
given  to  Lerd  Macartney  by  the  private  instructions  from  the 
King*  His  Majesty  made  the  object  of  the  embassy  so  broad  and 

(1)  Staunton,  IM  19,         (2)  Staunton,  !♦,  21. 

( 3 )  St aunt  nn ,  I . ,  25 . 


17 
bo  far  removed  from  merely  commerci   "      ins  as   to  allow  Lord 
Xac  y  countries   or  islands  he  might  &®en  fit, 

for  the  purpose  of  either  es1  Lng  closer  intercourse;  with 

or  gaining  or  B]  newltdge.(l)   And  although   it 

interesting   to  follow  hii  mission    through  the  various 

be  too 
\cn  from  tl 
Once  in  Chinese  waters  the  '  entic  ssy 

wr.s  tt  LminaFy  w  ne  greal    topic, 

ption  by  +"  eror.  Hand  'nieters 

•ly  waited  upon   XH  instntc  3         Mcpette 

of  tl        "5    '-tCW11, 

■••^orrr-j    they  a]  linfc  solemn 

ions  of  the  \  ■■■  Terr'  -  each 

.'    )     ^t  Lord  Mac  art  ne;    ]  ble  advisers  iii&ong  his  assis- 

es from  Canton   and  proT^t  recep- 

tion  other  embassies  had  received,   *!  oy  yielded  rosily 

to   this  humiliating   cer  .  -of ore  he  ©if  de- 

I  ds  by  premising  to  rerf  "   on   condition  that   a 

Chinese   sub J  eat    of  ?    rank  to  his   own   I  I   preetrate  him- 

Lf  In  the  snm.c  :or  before  k  picture  of  '9G»   Stafte 

rd  ^'acartnr  Id  not  yield  and   sine      the   off'  of  the 

emperor  thought  his  rroF°sition  was  impossible,  finally 

reached   a  compromise.   U  per  or  exprejj&ed  himself  as   satis* 

(1)    Staunton,    I.,    |&  (2)    Stanton,    II.,    303 


r 

led  with  any  form  of  obeisance  "by  the  anh  or  that  \  bo 

rendered  his  own  sovereign. (1)   Though  to  us  this  natter  of 
cerenony  nny  seem  unworthy  of  so  nuch  discussion  and  diplonac;  , 
holcss   It    is   saf  t   to  Lor  "rcoose- 

fiil  manipulation  of  the  natter  is  Ate  whatever  of  success  h. 
emb  had.   A  ready  obeisance  wmild  meant 

md   disrepeec4  TTan  T,r  iejr<    on  t*      -   her 

i    i  too  rigor  out  refusal  would  hart  precluded  all  chance 
o^  a  reception   -rd  thus  made  tin  ainment   of  the   objects   cf 

Ion  impossible. 

iffieulty  In  earrj  ut 

►jetfte   of   the  niseieit   lay  in  the  feeling  o^  the 
nese  toward  treaty  r<-  tan  of  their  trade.  Btauntea 

tes:    "Birch  were  the  avowed  or  affected  notions  entertained 
by  the  Qhlneee  gotoruaent  of  the  euperlo  or  independenoe 

of  the  empire,    that  no   tre  ion  with  foreigners  *  lis- 

sible  by  it  on  the  ground  of  reciprocal  benefit,  but   m  a  grace 
and   condescension  from  the  former  to  the  latter. "{?.) 

!Pin<  "!  "^  * "     aft^r  weeks  of  "n^r^e"""  w^^"-"1  the  cov'"1    off  \  cere 
'acartney  was  received  by  the   o^per-r  with  a  cX'  &d 

or  rer  hly  indie  tire  ei  r**pee>t 

•TnT^eror  for  ^^^  [r*  Tfi^fir?  t   Vfii  owinp 

such  an  expression  of  farejp  by  their  ruler  earn*  inn  bio 

privileges  fron  the  peepl«  .    \3Pi    --"■\r<\  Lord  Macartney  received 

(1)    Staunton,    III.,    22.  (2)    Staunton,    III., 


19 
thfl  the  viceroy  of  Canton,  who  hae    cherish 

hostility  for  the  S&lgli      ,  1   removed ,(1) 

only  other  important   occurrence    at    fche   oourt  v^as   the   ex- 
tents an.  i  expression*  "_  felt 
nonarohs.  Businoc                    out   of                         Ml,   7or 

ho  "}»o 

from  time  to  time  checlced  ,    in 

conversation  ■  s5  diary  in   cc  os. 

s   of 

jealr-  ptility  dM  Lord 

savr  it  v/   ■    '  •   try  to   0Yoto«   i  ,(  left 

Pev  fore,  id  :  f  the 

K  of  I  en*  Their  hepe  of  gaining  iim 

or  ir  ding  P«rt« t    \  HJteil  tfc«  friendly  of 

... 

1     communi  n  to  l  »{3j  in  It 

occurs  ' emert   strictly  1 Smiting  the  I 

'  ons  to  the  port   of  Canton. 

ftxdgoft  by  the  treats*  ions, 

thll   one   ef  Lord  Kacartriey'r  13          '    '  rly  cs           ■  f1'!, 

lie   ■*■                                     '    "  ,    I  I       'St  "be 

■enounced  iv  •    H                                      re* 

J    of  one   officer  hostile  to  t"  I               esfs  rust  be 

(1)   Staunton,   III.,   14    .  (2)   Staunton,    III.,   l44- 

( 3 )    Bt  aunt  on  f    III.,    l«r>  1 . 


20 
hel  nlj  definite  concession  granted  hy   the   emperor, 

anonc  ^-1   tho   embassies   to  the  Chinese  court  frier  to   18r>3 
it   standi  noot  ■■■    rry.   It   served  one 

*   th-  CO   of  1'("    Peking 

court  of   its   imros,  ihilit&e^  . 


v     u    A   J  i »  1J.  J.  • 

DOWH  181  ft. 

The  peri  od  eaverinpi  few  jcnth 

century  and  the  first  f  ourte- n   of  the  present  was   os^c    of  cc   - 

paratlve  tranquility.   In  180nt   i  to 

cut  the  cable  of  the  Providence  were  injured  b;      ' 

crew,   the  Cannon  officials  fcnad  r  unwarranted  demands 

sternly  met  and  they  allowed  the  matter  to  blow  over.   A  few 

years  later  the  troubles  "between  SSngland  a  \ance  were, 

usual,   carried,  out  into  ttu  fcera  seas.   A  fleet  of  $  i- 

defeat  ft  rench  fleet  which 

pany's   ships,    in  1805,   had  heen  cruisfcng  above  the   straits  for 

the  purpose   of  capturing  R]  from  Canton,  otiv- 

of  the  piratee  between  %9Q&  %81      led  te   tfc  oh 

ef  two  of  the  Company's  ships  in+e  Ike  Chinese  -  ,   w&5 

ult, imatel*r  did  more  ^ood.  b,r  making  a  careful   curve*""  of 

neighboring  seas  than  by  any  service  against  the  pirates. (1) 

In  1814,  however,   t>  rri r>&  at  calm  was  foil  a 

rm.   The  high-handed   act  ion   ef  the  8antc 

provoked,  the  English  beyond    all   endur  Court 

(1)   Davis,    I.,    71. 


2.2 
of  directors  tc  i etition  once  more  for  an  English  embassy  to 
the  imperial  court  to  seek  redress  for  thier  grievances. (1)  ITo 
one  could  fail  to  recognize  the  neod   for  some  commercial  tre 
or  defined  relations  of  cone  kind  to  take  En  :  th 

ina  out     to  field  of  chance.  The  Canton  officii 

A  he on  violated  in  the 
1 

*    i  I  the  T>nris 
".       '    mdtti  "cercy   th  '  their 

In  no  i         I   war, 

~  r.ed  to  recocr.'  of   authority 

bogan  aari  vrerr.  s*(Z)   "•-"•  seised 

v^oef?,       ,  retail  tad 
ago'  ■  of  o;         "by  step-. 

j>.   Then  t  lang  ion 

in  remo  ar  toy 

of  nafcian  *  }  rej^  clearly 

rtanc^   of  de  to  V  d  province 

Canton. (3) 

In  addition  to  oris  affair  the  .tion 

of  ]  ■?   'he  m  rch  nte 

'.ed  to  rf  or- 

enco  b;  m  g<r  iintme:;;,   cn  I*r. 

aa  ohief  which 

(1)   miis,   41.  ( ;-;)   Ellis,   43.  (a)  Baris,   I.,   78* 


23 

the  supercargoes  sought  to  have  remove-.  . 

Consequently,  in  1816,  the  requests  of  the  Court  of  Direc- 
rs  were  fulf 111*4  by  the  a£poi»tj»sat  of  Lord  Amherst  as  A;  - 
bas s ador  3&;t r  a,ord i nary  t  o  t  . .  ( I )  Tw  o  e  one  e  s - 

*s  were  recommended  to  him         desirable:  first)  per- 
mi8sion  for  the  supers         ueal  with  sue 
they  sUgh-  sea  lit,  in  ether  prer4i  the  sbeXities  of  t'  e  ta*g 
merchants;  and  secondly,  the  establishment  «f  direct  diplomatic 
intercourse  with  Peking.  Opportunity  would  also  be  afforded  for 
explaining  the  seizure  of  American  ships  and  for  protecting 
against  the  actions  of  tho  Canton  officials.  The  Company  v 
likewise  very  desirous  of  having  another  attempt  made  to  se- 
cure trading  privileges  in  some  of  the  northern  ports, ( 

•  story  of  the  proceed inrrs  of  the  embassy  may  be  briefly 
told,  Mr.  Bills,  third  commissioner  o.     embassy  and  a  man 
of  some  experience  in  Chinese  a  fairs,  recognizee,  leaned i at  el. , 
the  necessity  ef  complying  with  any  reasonable  demunds  as  to 
the  manner  of  apprcaohing  the  emperor.         van      !s 
embassy  as  a  warning  agamftgt  servile  accession  is 

demands  and  with  -'acartney's  as  a  precedent  for  subsequent 
English  envoys,  he  saw  likewise  the  advantages  of  securing 
audience  without  prostration.  'So   when  the  mandarins  at  Tientsin 
demanded  performance  of  the  Mkc~toww,  Amherst  refv     n  the 
ground  of  ?^acartney't       nt  eknd   of  respect  to  Kis  Hajesty, 

(1)  Ellis,  49.  (2)  351110!  48. 


the  Prince  Regent ♦  In  response  to  this,  some  of  the  eye  wit- 
nesses of  Lord  Macartney's  audience  declared  that  the  English 
ambassador  prostrated  hineelf .  -Amherst  held  firm  and  m  is 

compliance  Hcti  mands  conditional  upon  one  of  two 

thing!  -      r  th-     %£na*«  snbjec     lal  in  rank  to  him- 
self should  n<  -        ra  a  picture     m   trince 
ligent,  or  th.     >  emperor  should  issue  a  jmbi  ic  proclamation 
promising  that  &ny   Chinese  ambassador  visiting  England  would 

form  the  "ko-te  aiglish  soverel,  .     :,  as  in 

17^3,  the  emperor  finally  consented  to  receive  them  in  the 
manner  of  the-     ish  court .  (1)  i.ord  Amherst  was  hurried  into 
Peking  •  e&rly   in  the  morning,  while  greatly 

fatigued  jid  unprepared  to  appear  at  court,  ordered  to  present 
himself  to  the  emperor.  (2)  On  offering  hi;j  ill  health  and  vn- 
preparedness  as  an  excus<  ,  ■  -  was  roughly  handled  by  the  court 
officials  and  shortly  afterward  hustled  out  of  Peking  as 
had  come  in. (3) 

Nothing  had  to«B  accomplished  save  perhaps  the  acquisition 
of  mere  knowledge  regarding  the  Chinese  court.  One  or  two  gen- 

observations  HOftt  be  made.  Through out  thw  whole  journey 
to  and  from  Peking  the  attitude  of  the  officers  and  people 
toward  the  embassy  was  markedly  more  unfriendly  than  it  wae  in 
Lord  Macartney's  case  and  showed  a  great  desire  to  hurry  them 
out  of  the  country  as  rapidly  as  possible.  The  dealings  with 

(?     as,  95.       {%)   Ellis,  |1N  .      (3)  KUU,  18*. 


2i> 
mandarins  and  court  officers  revealed  frequent  offences  against 
the  absolute  truth  and  uncovered  many  of  the  courts  contemp- 
tible methods  of  diplomacy*  And  lastly,  both  Davis  and  Kills 
give  it  as  their  opinions  that  the  real  cause  of  the  failure 

■nbassy  wata  prolyl        to  the  secret  hostility  of   the 
mousse  an      Canton  effiolaXft*  xhe  viceroy,      ist  whose 
treatment  of  i  .-iglish  since  1814  it  was  one   of  the  purposes 

of  the  embassy  to  complain,  did  his  utmost  to  poison  the  m  - 
per  or     his  court  gainst  the  Jftiglish* 


CHAPTER        IV. 
FROM  AMHERST1  ■*   WBM0R  TO  THE 

ABOUT  .1  ;."# 

"This  unsuccessful  mission"   cf  Lord  Arahorst      "was  followed 
>y  a  longer  interval  of   tranquility  cu  eedom  fron  Chinese 

loyance  thaji  had  ever  been  experienced  befGre."(l)   From  161 
;o  1829   the  British  trade  was  stopped  <aiee,    that   in  IBA2 

tttause   of  the   "Topose  affair".   A  few  cases  of  homicide  revived 
a  slight    degree  the  old  troubles.    In  1820,    for  ins^anot  , 
Vfesa  a  Chinese  hoy  was  accldentall,    killed,   the   oi  Is   as 

usual  demanded   the   surrender  of  some   mm  to   a\n  t. 

o  fact,   however,    that  -hineso   seised  the  opportunity  of 

declarin  *  a  suicide  on  one  of  the   ships  to  be   the  guilty  par 
showed  at   once  a  changed  attitude  toward  these  affair i    a$£  a 
wonderful   anxiety  on  their  part  to  ^ymrw  the  trade  una:-  - 
pared'    ~}'  »  >  -rnlslK. 

their  oa)  *#  of 

Then  in  ■  of  the  foils  .r,   an  I'  ,ilor 

on  bourd  an  American  ship  ace  ese  woman, 

mi    ...i  ■■    i.m.1.       n.      in       .     .      ■■      ...        n..,..       ... — — — ■■«» 

(1)   Davie,    I.,    £9.  (2)   Davis,    I.,    90- 


27 
trading  alongside  the  vessel,   and  was  surrendered  for   trial. 
After  a  secret  trial,   absolutely  contrary     o  their  pledged 
word,   the  officials  causae  to  be   ftrrfrflllfi   and  they  r<  ~ 

ported  to  Peking  tha*    the  American  consul  had  witnessed,  the 

Btttlen.    »!ncov  >is  e>  ion  r  mess, 

Chinese  c  .  iittl-  L*   in  the    *Sft* 

M  affair1*.    In  January  and  Vebruary   Sf  IMA  the   select  com- 
mittee were  forced  to   resort   to  stopping   the  trade  for  six 
weeks  until  the  Canton  off  i  civile  recognized  the  division  of 
authority  and  responsibility  between   the   officers   ttf 
Majesty's  ships  and  the  servants  of  the  Company  ad  exonerated 

>mmittee  from  al ^responsibility  in  the  matter.   An  English 
court  martial  acquitted  the  Topaze's  lieutenant   for  repelling 
the   attack  of  reus  Chine so  upon  the   sailors  of  his  crew 

who  were  engaged   in  retting  r.   These  findings  were  accepted 

by  the  Chinese  and  practically  settled  the  affair. (1) 

j)uring  this  decade  was  worked  out   an  important  change  in 
the  purely  commercial  relations  of  t3  r chants  at   Canton, 

ihe  failure  of  some  of  the  Hon*-;  merchant*  led  to  a  governmental 
regulation  freeing  the  Consoo  or  corporate  body  of  merchants 
from  liability  for  the  debts  of  individual  members.   This  measure 
stopped  the  unhealthy  aretes  of  credit  upon  which  the  trade  be- 
tween the  35nr;ii8h  and  Hong  merchants  had  been  baeed.   Vvrther- 
mr>r&i   the  reduction  of   the  number  of  Hon^  merchants  to  six  as 

(1)    T>vi  i.  f    Ql4 


a  coneequaaee  of  these  failures  greatly  inconvenienced  the 
English  and  rendered  the  remaining  half  y.ozon  merchants  even 
dictatorial  than  t3        body,  while  still  in'  c  ,  had 
■m.   This  fti  '■  .  ■  •*  e 

oomit.i  ships 

re  detained  en      ntil  t      Jtdi  o.       ) i      ^it- 
Id  be  net.  They  asked  that  the  number  ©:  aits 
bo  increased,  that  the  heavy  port  charges  on  ships  trading  at 

,         ...  ,      some  oheefe      aced 
upon  the  govern)  tent  officers     eeted  with  the  customs.  Tip  on 
a  ifXanitlea       viceroy  in  March ,  1830,  that  three  new 
Konp:  merchants  would  he  cr-     and  that  the  subject     art 
Ml  had  been  referred   to      rcperor,  the  committee  r>  - 
rted  t.he  trade.  (1)  That  same  year  the  Chinese  o;     Is  made 
most  strenu     ejections  to     reside.     f  foreign  women  in 

IfB  and  ordered  that  in  th     ure  they   he  confined  to 
Macao.  Later  in  the  season  grievous  trouble ej  arose  at  the  Canfc 
ton  factory,  Just  because  the  Knglsih  made  a  little  park  out 
of  some  waste  ground  in  front  of  their  factory  and  built,  for 

-•rmelves  a  pier  into  the  river,  the  Fooyuen  or  vieero;  * s 
deputy  of  Canton  openly  invaded     factory  and  demanded  an 

Ian at i en  of  the  acts  contrary  to  the  viceroy* s  orders.  With 
an  imperial  sanction  of  the  yocyuen's  measures  and  an  unsatis- 
factory attempt  by  V ■■<-.   committee  to  secure  redress,  the  matter 

(1)  Davis,  I.,  96. 


was  allowed  to  rest  .(1) 

An<      bon   '  .  sele&t  committee 

tineu.  in  a        "s  to 
becoae  the  culminating  griev 

Lng  the}  I     ^es 
•  In 
J82    Is  i  Hie  it  i,c^o  by  the   exact  ion  a 

of  tn     -tugueso  to  .-.ntin,  situated 

opium 
ruled  as  kin,  over  all*  The  m,  ndarins  connived      the  emuc- 
hinoso  subjects  were  killed  from  the  opin     ps  with 
no  03  -fic- 

tion given  the  venal  officials  them- 

selves. The  trade,     tgh  wholly  outside  the 
. .elect  committee,  flourii         increas    a  such  an  e. 
as  to  implant  in   that  body  a  belief  I    the  whole  eas 

•uld  quite  as  read!     nd  itself  t;c  a  smuggling  trade 
in  staple  merchandise.  Aeeerdingly,  1  out  the  IV 

Amherst.  ,  en  a  surreptitious  trade  with  forbidden 

ports  along  the  northern  part  c.f  the  coast.  As  was  always  the 
caso  the  people  themselves  appeared  Willis  nut 

rietiene        ,  "but  their  wiliingnes     ilea  noth- 
igtl  against  the  opposition  of  the  mandarine,  whjc    used  he 
lure  of  this  most  questionable  venture,  (ii)  The  expedition 

(1)  T)aTis,  I.,  105.  (2)  Davis,  I.,  306. 


30 

had  two  c  :    it  elicited  severe  criticism  of  the 

seloc  t  md  and  it  demonstrated  "beyond   the 

securing  imperial  con* 

for  trad  I    cities  alon^  the  coast.  (3j 

equent  violent   &ffr  Ltnttn  marked  <Oose  of 

.    Anoth  s graceful  atteppt 

rt   of  -»ese   '  o  secure  a  sham  redress 

fci  -rdoro  idy  larpe  list  of 

'mn^    6/^^*ri'l v*r      '""^i ft  ^  ?iOA4tion    cf   ^ "** f*    f'T*''' i rrr^n  er*?   i'ir^6r 

semi-official  protoctic  ed  tn  disagree* 

Le  co;  flclftia   and  > 

lis'.'  .  -.ff  irs   in 

Chj  o^  the  Ifftft  Xn4i*  8efl$4  ve  way  to 

nts.    Jtoftt  %wt  hundred  years  ho- 

;  mo   the  (* fwwpa  ■  ""•   ■f"rad^T^fT  tfr^th   Hh^       .     ~ow 

"by  the    •  'a  monopoly  was  abolished.   This 

..td  well  '-lers  into  the 

east  v  fth#r  teglish   tr --ders  and 

consequently  0  ";    BtM&ttieil  of  1' 

itself.   In  the  l  committee  was  to 

ie  a  b  I  title     Jnveived  securing 

the  nMrgmiai  ■*       -cr  privileges  the 

Com;  had  heretofore  wrci  '      C««»l  hren^fe   its 

e 

Mdliuu  of  a  seljot   c  .      ) 


(1)   Deris,    I.|    103.  (2)  Davis,    I.,    110, 


Such  fsfcrjuent  mention   is  mado  time  the  follwoing 

pages  of  the  places   In    tttti  the  Canton  River 

as   to  require  at   le  .  "brief  toseri] 

of  that   'Li strict   v/here  the  b  trade  Mid  its  es 

.   The  olty  of  Canton  If  on  the  nor  ae  of   bh*  river 

it   seventy-five  miles  £ru     .    i  .    •  Just  t*  and  east 

of  /   is  the  .where  the  foreign   sliip- 

ig  lies.  i  the  river  tunas  in  a  southwesterly 

in  and  j'Ioyjs  through  a  narr  amiel  ca.  ogue, 

ris  or  Tiger's  3£©ut:  ,    which  leads  itself  verv  readily 
to  defenoe  "by  the  shore  "batteries  and  forts  lining  e  side. 

>oca  Tigris   the  river  wider  of 

ab<  sntj  — f ive  miles   at   its  mout^.   Just   off  the  point   cf 

southern  shore  lies  the  ;uese  island  of  Kacao,  while 

g  occupies  the   same  t  lit ion  on  t 

way  "between  these  %vm  tmd  a  short  nee  up  $h$  river  lies 

Lintin,    the  little  island  so  famous  from  its  connection  vith 
pium  smugglers  and  their  forbidden  trade. 


PART 


- 
WAR  OF   1340-184;}:    ITS  PKIHCIPAL  CAKPAIG 


h 


CHAPTER        I . 

8  WTIC7F  LED  UP  TO 

no  tokmai  opjttt—  o-  a&smxfrts  tt  imo, 

,        •     ,    E*«rd     api«r    -j    ved  at   Canton  as   "Chief 

o  Majesty's  subjects  with 
1  .. .  OSfl  ioi^l  ai>p  ointments   of  Sir 

eorgt  .  as  second  ana   bhird  super- 

. [l!  a  his  arrival   U»e  Canton  oificials  refused 

to  tramwdt  hi  Mttfc   fei  Um  in  er.u,l  court  and  ordered 

until  iiibsicriers   should  leave  the 

rd  Kapler   *tftar  ucloi rained  i:rotests  reluctantly  retired 
tA  ,    onlj      c  e  disease  which  brought  his 

ml 0a  in  less  than  three  months  after 

he  teal   bailed  up   U.  #ris.(2) 

Sir  Johii  Davis  »u«ceedea  Lord  ITapier  for  a  brief  term.   An 
L   edict    .  blame   i'or   the   troubles  of  Jul:* 

anc  ,   1834,  one  merchants  secured  a  short  period 

tfUiuil  Ad  unuistu.  intercourse  between  the  traders 

of  tha  1  ;.U>) 

following   Sir  John  Davis,    the  administration  of  Sir  George 
...    t   in  18oo   m  proved  quite   as  peaceful  as  that   of 

(I!  b,    I.,    113.    (2)   Davis,    T.,    120.    (:5)   13  rls,    T.,    123. 


33 

his  predecessor.  But  a  change  began  to  he  felt  by  the  time 
Capt.  Charles  Elliot  assumed  the  duties  of  chief  superintendent 
in  |A59*  Little  by  little  the  old  troubles  incident  to  the 
opium  tr^de  had  been  aggravated  and  brought  i  ly  to 

ctice  eminc  eh 

the  government  had  now  assumed.  In  respooc  io  j  mt's 

att-ituat),  Uapt.  Sllio  :    '     jj   Issasnse,        tist 

be  |  14  the  raoj-'t  unfortunate,  increase  of  the  si     during  the 
last  fo-jr  years,  the  rapia  growth  in  the  east  coast       in 
opium,  and  the  continued  drain  of  the  silver,  have  no  doubt 
greatly  a? armed,  the  government.  "(1)  Opium  si 
thee©  years  became  so  bold  as  to  carry  of  their  trade  ri& 
inside  t  ;gris,  xn   the  very  mXt  ship— 

ping.  3"*ut  the  worst  of  all  the  complications  at         on 
this  smuggling  trade  arose  o>  i  perfidious  double  dealing 

hy  the  government  officials  themselves.  Vh-        m   received 
a  royalty  on  orery   ^hest  passed  in.  Bven  those  in  chargeof  the 
war  funics  under  orders  to  drive  away  the  smugglers'  ships  ac- 
cepted bribes  f PSSJ     daring  traders  and  rendered  back  false 
reports  to  the  government . iz)   Whenever  the  central  authorities 
did  mete  out  punishment  to  any  of  the  natives  found  one 
in  the  proscribed  traffic,  the  punishment  was  most  severe.  And 
all  this  time  the  Canton  officials  were  making  inter mi .ten" 
demands  upon  the  recognized  >]nglish  merchants  ana  the  sujperin- 

vis,  r.y  .  (2)  Pavis,  I.,  ISO,  1~1. 


34 

tendent  for  the  arrest  and  delivery  of  English  smue#lars.  Their 
.ilure  to  recognize  tho  fact  that  the  snug^lere  worked  at 

n  rink  and  were  neither  amenable  to  nor  under  the  pro- 
•tion  of  the  superintendent,  led  to  great  oonfm        mis- 

.  aline,  'sh 

bourco  of  discomfiture,  much  embarBaoB- 

,-.;  marohantf  fee  the 
uur#j  emeu.  .     ra* 

waa  i'inall;-  r     td  by  allowing  tfca  Co*Bang 
t#a  year*  in 
xhe  matter,       r,  was  finally  adjusted  by  t 

atea 
the  War  of  (fttOHfe,  wherein  the  emperor  bound  himeel: 
fraat  »00  debt 

or  the  Coin]  ,  -onceBsions 

ed  in  order  to  preserve  the  i       .  And 
since,  tional,  the  i\iffer@v<  .g  on 

j.t  rei      i  not      into  consideration  by  j     inese, 
leniency  of  previous  years  waB  ex$>ecte<  . 

W%   after  -ill,      •  griev  noes;?  anu     Lcultiai  played 
onl.    dnor  ]    in  preeipiat  ig«g  the  war  which  ended  with  the 

tty  fcf  Nanking •  Around  the  opium  trade  oenteree     im- 
aodi -t,te  causes  of  tho  necessity  for  armeu  intervention  on  the 


(Dp   .  t.,  i  :a„  (a)  to*    .   a  i,  - 

(3)  Bingham,  I.,  2. 


part  of  Um  hone  p;overnmen1  .     J  of  review  of  the  develc  - 
mn-  itself  will  tend  to  elucidate  somewhat 

the  foil       j-agr&phs  dealing       he  troubles  just  prJcr 
to  the  war.  Oj     .  m  coming  into  Chin    -.   lust  f  t   the 

ei         century . (1)  In  1994  an  opium  ship,  I  »y 

pium  p03   at  Lai.     ..  ,  moved  up  to  VJbumpoq, 
whorv  the  trade  thrived  until  1&1&.  As  t  irly  as  1798  the  C3  l«« 
nes  trade  and  in  1820  a  prchib- 

ion  co  increased  vigilance  of 

compel  the  c,     ^ealers  to  moke  the  Island 
of  Lint  in,  in  the  mou-  ... 

Chinese  aomiralo     offlel  ..  ,  under  bribes  of  from  j  ir  to, 
per  chest,  readil:  set  the  laws  at  defiance  and 
?g  Buffered  the  trade  to  he  quietly  prosecuted,  with  only 

rupticns,  until  th«      reak  of       u  ler, 
1837.  During  thi  .        •  >    >   ;  worth  cf  opium  was  im- 
port ,  -    rn,  a  large  exportation  of  siiv<-  , 
since  at  this  time  the  Chinese  die  not  have  sufficient  experts 
with  i     to  pa^'  for  tl     ^ds  brought  ir     •  kingdom.  Most 
cf  this  silver,  however,  had  been      in  earlier  years  for 
teas  and         in  balaneiu-  Uq  orts  had        •  ■  .  he 
Chinese  would  punch  silver  out  of  every  coin  passing  through 
their  hands  a:      gopr     .ed  coins  BtftM  finally  be  collected 
and  c<     ed  into  silver  bars  known  cts  "Syoco  silver  ".(a) 


(1)  Bingham,  I.,  4.  (2)  Bingham,  1.,  11. 


36 

Binghau,   who   se<  have  had  the   oppo  nolination 

to   examine   into  r  of  1.      —      ,    st    tee   J      as 

his  opinion  that    "the   oo^in-;  out    of   sycoe   silver  fro;  -n- 

.1  flowery  land"  was  th«  .»so   o_  Chineso  oition 

to  %m  trade,    and  any  roi  oe  mor 

tve  had  against  >ut   a  small  part 

in   influenoin  ir  ao  towaj  .  ,,;  .    The  willin   - 

ness  of   tht  ciiJts  to  aonnlve  la  Miggl  and 

eagerness  -die  nacl  lewei  -ses  to  secure   it 

*.d  tend    10   support    this  view.   Unfortunately,    the;  o»  is  torn     - 
amo.  inese  £ov«rnnient   officials   of  composing   edicts  fc 

mere  jAippose  of "savinn   their  faces**  with  tbo   emperor  renders, 
the  highly  ;    tirades  against   o;  absolutely  worthless 

fnr  h-ili-int';    t«  a  decision  in  this  matter.    3o  that   all 

we  kno  liinese  gri  rtperor  and 

some  of  his  off  icials  -opposed  the   opium  tracie  on   •  two 

grounds  rt  ntioned  ahove  f,ore  wished  to  stoj  at 

nton  shared  w  emperor  and  some  tais 

it   officers  a  dislike  f<  eigners,   and  hence  ti 

wished  to  harass  arid  huiribl  i&iglish  ant  on  in  QYQry 

possible  w--.y.  *#hile   seekirs  -ry  out   their  designs  they 

o  reckon  with  their  host. 

In  ,    in  reply  Is  advocating  a  auty  on  opium 

and  also  requesting;  the  prohibition   of  the  drug,    ;    •    emperor 
issued  an  edict  to  his  high  officers   at  Canton,    ordering  them 


37 
to  seize  all  native  dealers  in  the  drug,    the  Hone  merchants, 
"brokers,   boatmen  and  the  naval  officers  and  militia  who  1 
received  "bribes. (!)   Tang,    the  admiral,   took  adavntage  of  thin 
edict   to  monopolize  the  trade   and  thus   secure   a  f.  "before 

the  fi  lei  1   t$*a&«   i:  rse, 

"■paved  his  face"   by    §*  ,ise  report   to    kfee   lllljiHI  i     . 

or,    in  t  ,   "by  reviving  an  olu   ouiet  forbid-- 

ding  continued   resiaenoe  o  -ton,  ho  forced  the 

foreigners  .  ear  Chinese  edicts 

o  acta  and  ad  all  foreign  ships  to  leave  the  east  ooast  anu  ordered 
the  receiving   ships  at  %*hampoa  to  drop  down  to  Macao,    on  pain 
of  destruction  jjf    fee   order  was  not   carried   out. 

iring  the  following  year  great  embarrassments  were  im- 
posed upon  the   trade  and  tJ  izjtre   of    the  opium  began.    In 

re  of  this,   however,    the  bold  smugglers  built  up  an  open  and 
mdlsguished  trade  right  at  whampoa.(^)    i'he  change  m  coming. 
In  December,    Ittftj    occurred  the  first   ev«nt   that   f ormed  one  of 
iiot's   specific  grou;  sequent   radical  v.ction. 

,1  officials  at  Canton  chose  the  square   in  front   of  the 
Hiuropean  quarters  as   tfc*  the  execution  of  a  native 

opium  do  ale    ,  .ag  was   struck  the  momoiv  crowd 

d.   Ihe  rabble  became   aggravated  at  the  foreigners'    in- 
terference with    theiijpieasure  and  re.  ,ed  by  mobbing  the 
factories  and  houses.    Jhey  were  di&per&oa  after  two  hours  b; 

>"..?.'".  (    )  Bin 


38 
native  police. 

This  unfortunate  affair  preceded,  by  a  few  days,  an  act 
of  Capt.  J&liot's  which  many  of  his  critics  have  considered 
mere  detrimental  to  the  Ifriglish  interests  than  any        at 
gone  be?e*Hb  ^pace  will  B  n  into  the 

felly  of  Capt.  ^lliGt's  Measure,  tfhile  chief  super- 
intent  .  a  an  elaborate  thesis  in  it- 
o  faoto  may  be  mentioned .  Desirous  of  assisting 
i  Chinese  xn   .u.1  legitimate  attempts  at  suppressing  the  traf- 
,  he  on.       1  English  ships  oarrying  opium  to  proceed 
outside  t     oca  ligrio     at  the  same  time  warned      of 
the  retribution  which  would  follow  the  killing  of  any  native 
ring  the  prosecution  of  this  trade.  This  authority  to  drive 
ships  beyond  iferis,  it  is  urged,  implied 
the  authority  to  euppress  the  trade  entirely,  whereas  supi res* 
si  on  was  I  QHJoi  ill  impossible  by  the  constant  demand.  (1) 

Purine  January t  1359,  feelin         n  ran  high,  'she 
Chinese  proposed  that  no  vessel  be  allowed  to  trade  during  the 
following  season  until  its  master  should  sign  a  bond  declaring 
the  vessel  had  no  opium  aboard  and  agreeing,  if  any  were  found, 

confiscation  of  the  vessfca  and  to  the 
iuent        aous  fines.  (<;)  On  February  86  anot:      tive 
ium  dealer  was  strangled  on  the  square  in   front  of  the  tac- 
tories,  without,  any  regard  whatever  for  Capt.  >;iliot*s  protests 
and  remonstrances. (5)  On  :  arch  1<\  ijint   the  governor  of  Hu- 
(1;  iBingEam,  I.t*"3"S7T2)  Bingham,  I,,  5dTT37TIngham,  I.,  46. 


39 

kwang,  who  had  been  anointed  special  commissioner  to  invetti- 
ga     I  affairs  of  the  seaports  of  Kwang-tung,  arrived  at 

ton.  One  of  his  first  official  acts  was  to  issue  an  edict 
forbidding  for*  i^ners  to  gr  acao;  this  Mftf  followed  by  a 
second,  ordering  all  slips  to  give  bonds  that  thej'-  had  no  opium 

thernore,  all  opium  in  the  port  was  ordered  to  be 
deliver ed  np  within  three  days,  and  on  the  third  day  the  lives 
of      ong  merchants  were  to  be  threatened  if  the  opium  was 
not  1Mb*     ly  surrendered.  The  Tlurcpeans  allowed  sjT'pat" 

merchants  to  influence  and  they  assisted  in  gather* 
chests.  Commissioner  Lin  expressed  dissatisfaction  at 
number  of  chests  offered  and  showed  great  anger  when  in- 
formed that  :ir.  Dent,  who  then  had  charge  of  the  trade  at  Can- 

,  refused  to  venture  into  the  tity  to  answer  the  summons 
so;     i. 

On  Kar#i   ,  '"'apt.  Klliot  issued  a  circular  from  Facac 
stating  that  all  confidence  in  the  local  government  had  ceased. 

•d  himself  to  Canton,  hoisted  tfet  flag  over  the 
factories  and  ordered  up  the  fleet  to  help  in  any  trouble  that 
might  result.  (1)  Troif  le  did  follow,  in  which  neither  the  fleet 
nor  any  other  protect  ken  by  the  Europeans  were 

of  ?jiy  avail.  By  order  of  Commissioner  Lin  all  the  passages 
to  the  factories  were  closed  by  coolies,  the  river  blocked  t. 
a  tri.}-     rrion  of  boats,  soldiers  stationed  en  the  roofs  of 

(1)  Bingham,  |M  61. 


40 

.ses  surrounding  tin  iV.ctory  buildings  and  all  the  n 

servants  of    :h.e  European  made  to  abandon  th   ir  masters.  With 

*  food  supply  also   cut    «ff|      ■       inmates  of  the  facta  re 

-ecaricu  alt  ion.  (1)   Under  these  t  oirctu  - 

the 
stancep.  •'        .      tliot   is;  i  notice  "1  En.^lishnon  in^Can- 

ton  Ri^e.',    s  the   immediate  delivery  of  all  t' 

th- owned  opium  would  alone  procure  for   the  :>irc;  their 

freedom  ako  a  renewal   of  trade  possible.   Fe  called  for  a 

Lng  to  hold  himself  r«  ible 

for  fell   committed  to  him  before   six   o1 c|oc?<  that  day. (2)   The 

•sit ion  and   showed 
itatemen  s,    accompanying  what  little  was  actually 
sent.   In  dui  I  ,    tl         they  held  at   that   ti 

river  and  on  ships  en  route  from  India,   Arrange- 
delivery   of    the   opium  to  Lin  provided  fmt 
gfrndual   restoration  of   trade   and  parsosal  privilege; 
confiscated  iter*  b   iheultf  1  .  .  ri son- 

men  t   of  ns,    1  '0  of  the  Commissioner  sub- 

mitted to   the  Jiiglish  in  the  factory  a  bond  similar  I  or 

to  tho  former  ones     mentioned   above  and   sought  by  threat*   and 
coercion  to   secure   its   ucc-  signature.    It    ■    -         Capt. 

nend  away  all  empty  receiving  ships  and  to  petition 
the  kinc  to  eoinmand  all  his   subjects   "tremblingly w   to   obey  the 
laws  of  empire  forbidding  ■   and 

(1)  fljayfti—i    I.,    63.  (2)  Bingham,    I.,    fl    . 


41 

importation   of  the  dru£.   Lin* 6  relentless   efforts  accomplished 
M  thing  .By  Ma&r  81,    the  whole  number  of  20f283  chests  had  been 
surrendered,    so   that  Capt •   Elliot  and  the   ether  British  su~  - 
jeots   finally  secure^  r  freedom  on  Baa;  2«1-,    after   seven 

weeks  detention  in  the  factory  buildings  at  Canton.  Merchants 
who  hart  been  trading   in  opium  were  required   tc    puit   the  country 
and  give  bonds  never  to  return.   In  Juno  Commissioner  Lin  des- 
troyed  the   surrendered  opium.   Because  of   the  threatenir  1- 

a  of  off lev, Is  and  natives  at  Canton,    the  British  stepped 
at  Hon  uidtrn as  shipped  their  goods  to  American  vessels 

transportation  at  Canton. 

In  July,   Cn.pt.   Elliot   appealed  to  Lin  to  reaiaiV  this 
Levoua   state  of  affairs  by  carrying  out  the  provisionn  of 
the  agreement  entered  upon  when  the   surrender  of  thfcoyitas  was 
pr«  .         it  at  this  time,  howev   n,     kOtther  of  those  unfor- 

tunate homeide  affairs  complicated  the  relations  between  the 
officials.  The  accidental  death  of  a  Chinaman  named  Lin  Weihe 
in  :.bbi  e  some  American  and  English  sailers  ifl| 

brcught  dotal  upon  Capt.  Elliot  the  usual  demands  for  the 
surrender  of  the  murderer  to  Chine  m  and  practically  de- 

.1  hjm  of  all  chance   of  obtaining  any  concessions  from  the 

ty  Lin.  About  the  middle  of  August  the  Chinese  officials 
even  went  so  far  as  to  send  troops  against  tbe  few  Hsgliehmen 
at  .     hus  deprived  of    Lheir  means   of  living  t^oy  had  to 

move  pen  tly  to  ITogn  Kong.   On  August  ?A   aoourred  the  affair 


42 

of  the  Black  Joke.  This  small  English  vessel  lying  in  the  Can- 
ton River  had  most  of  her  orow  murdered  without  the  least 
provocation  for  the  action  by  a  native  hoarding  party.  To  add 

insult,  the  leader  of  the  assassins  received  an  honorary 
promotion.  v,y   t-M?  MM  all  tbf     fcitfj  had  been  driven 

:e  refuge  on  their  ships  «t  Sfiflg  Hong  ai      re  suffered,  of 
inconvenience. (1) 
The  hostility  of      linese  now  fectiy  oi  en . 

Lin  and  Admiral  IVng  authorized  the  natives  to  fire  on  ;\ny 
ISnglish  rvi  tempting  to  land  and  to  cut  off  .nil  food  e,      er 
supplies.  Welcome  relief  c  mo  on  August  30  with  the  arrival  of 

...       ,  followed  shortly  .     food  , 

MUhr  had  "been  so  effectually  cut  off  by  the  mandarins  at 

loon  that   ..  .  Billot  ordered  an  attack  upon  them  early  in 
Sei     r.  The  move  had  little  effect  exc      elicit  from 
l  fiery  edict  commanding  the  oxt ermine $t ion  har- 

is  and  the  capture  of  Capt.  Elliot.  (2)  At  last,  however,  a 
peaceful  settlement  seemed  most  probable  and  arrangements  for 
on.Lng     .rade  had  been  nearly  completed  when  Lin  upset 
of  oil  into  the  TXre   by  demanding  the  signature  of  his 
loathsome  bond  and  by  insisting  upon  the  surrender  of  Lin 
Weihe's  murdered,  j.he  sudden  shange  in  his  attitude  can  be 
traced  to  the  inoonstancy  of  the  Thomas  Coutts  in  entering  the 
B*fte*  Vigris  and  in  signing  the  bond  contrary  t         1  lot's 

(1)  'iggham,  I.,  9t ,  <  .  (3}  Ungham,  J.,  :.03. 


43 
orders.  (1) 

The  renewed  attempts  to  de&troy  the  ^Snglis^  shippjjjf  be- 
lt agcravat tng  arid  unbearable .   Capt.  Smith  in  command 
of  J  .      .    S.  Volage,   with  orders  to  protect  ahips 

inst   these   schemes   of  the  Chine,  I  hum   the;::.,    revested 

Hommissioner  JAn  to   rescind  his  orders  for   the  destruction  of 
the  English  shipping  and  to  grant  permission  for  the  merchants 
an<-  Lr   servants  tog  to  return  4*0,   pending 

im  ions  from  one  gov  eminent .   His  Msp&toh  on] 

"brought   out   another  demand  for  "  -ihe'e  nurdrer,   which  met 

with  the  customary  refusal.   Bh«a    ■  <pt.    Smith  took  m<  tive 

projective  measures.  (he  Volage   and  Eyacin  .->ked, 

feated  and   scattered   six  war  junks  and  thirteen  fire 

ships  in  the  h  .ttle  of  Chuenpee.   After   the   engagement    Lin   sent 
a  g lowing  account   of   the  grand  Chinese  victory 
bad  heen  won  !•  courage   and   skill   of     he  great   Admiral 

-wan!  (2) 

nrlng  the  fall   of  j.  he  Koyal   Saxon  '!  signed 

Lin's  bond  and  proceeded  up  to   the  anchotage  at  Vhampoa.   This 

;    soon  followed  by  a  proclamation  cutting  off  all   trade  with 
the   ."inglish   forever,    since   they  refused,   to   execute   this  bond. 
The  opening  Of   the  new  year  brought   little   change.   Early 
in  January  came  news   of  Lin's  reduction  bcca\isa   of    ;he  false 
reports  hi  had   submitted  concerning  the   engagement   at  Chuenpee. 

(1)   Bingham,    I.,    107.  (ft)  %+      \i^  . 


44 
Tan  30,  was  called  to  Peking,  but  through  powerful  court 

influence  he   succeeded  in  being  returned  as  governor  of  Fuki 

i  first   six  months   of   this  year  the  annoyances   tc 
^English    ships  anchored  at  Hong  Kong  continued.   rh.e  English 

were  troubled  by  aggravating  regulations,    n&d    ...11  this 
emperor  was  advising  thed.  r  dost  metier: ..   Lin  drill  *A  & 
small  arrv    and  made  what  preparations  he  could  to   carry  out 
the  emperor's  wishes.   He  issued  an  edici  re<,jui*  .  Ipe 

1  assing  i  >coa  '.Tigris  tc  give  bonds  not  to  trai  ior 

33bglish  ships  during  their  stay  in  Chinese 
waters.   Vo   ships  were  allowed  to   cy.},crl:  more  tea  or  rhubarb 
than  was  requisite  for  nsumption  of  thei*'  own  countries. 

He  threatened  to   stop   all    trade  wi  eao   if    the  Portuguese 

:   not     cease  h^-rboring  and  aiding  the  English.   His  unsi>ccess- 
fill  i&fcempts  to  ih  ships  drew  forth  a  plan  from 

a  clover  prefect   in  the  prnvinc  ochili  by  wh5ch  all  the 

ships  were    to  be  boarded   simultaneously  by  large  bodies  of  men 
and   their  crews  put  to   the   sword.   This   scheme  was  actually 
tried  the  following  year.   On  June  11,    1840,    the  Chinese  tri^ 
for  h....'  last   tjne  to   set  fire   to  tegllth  Lng«<3) 

lit  outline   of  events  which  precipitated    bl 

makes  possible  an   examination  of  the  popular  theory  as   to   the 
is os  which  England  advanced  as  justifying  ».nd  requiring  the 
dispatch  of  an  armed  expedition  to  the  coasts  of  Ohina.   The 

(I)    BJ  ,   I, i    136. 


m 

usual  assertion  Is  th*  Great  Britain  sent  out  ''nor  fleet   1 
bombard  the  Chinese  ports  and  open  them  to  the  opium  trade. 

lacy,  for  it  seems  to  mo   to  be  such,  ma;/  very   easily 
have  arisen  cut  af  a  misconstruction  of  the  BJMi  com 

r  -  the  Op  '     ir.  Mfl     ■■  iters  til       hout 
explaining  that  it  is,  i-    -ertaijji  extent,  a  misnomer,  In  the 
fir  t.  Mliot  showed  hy  the  assistance  Ire  eneclered 

the  Chinese  officials  In       er,  1338,(1)  that  " 

rove  of  the  opium  trade  while  it  was  fe 
Chinese  government  and  he  contended,  throu 

ubleseme  and  dangerous  time*,  not  for  the  admission  of  opium 
t  for  a  .     treatment  of  the  Knglis:       nts  whf  were 
car      on  legitimate  "businesses  at  Canton.  One  of 

int. 's  official  notices,  quoted  from  the  Chinese     aitor.  , 
III.,    i,  clearly  states  his  position  on  this  matter:  "Her 
'  s  flap;  doesn  not         ■:  protection  of  a  trade 
•lared  illegal  by  the  emperor;  and,  therefore,  whenever  a 
vessel  is  suspected  of  having  opium  on  hoard,  Oapt.  Elliot  will 
that  the  officers  of  hin  establishment  shall  accom- 
y  the  Chinese  officers  in  their  search,  and  that  if  afi 
strict.  e?:amination,  opium  s&all  he  found,  he  "ill  C     no 
objection  to  the  seizure  and  confiscation  of  the  cargo. "(2)  On 
1,  it  cannot  he  disputed  thai  the  one  thir   h  Leh 
conduced  more  than  any  other  to  bring  about  this  war  wtti  the 

(1)         .  (2)  Soulger,  TTJ.,  l», 


44 

opium  trade  1th  the  troubles  and  difficulties  Incident   to   it. 
Yet  hack  of  ?,11  this,    it  must  he  remembered  that  the  English 
in  China  had  submitted  to  over  two  hundred  years   of  ex..  it- 

tag  treatment  j   that  their  embassies  to  the  imperial  court  had 
hfif  M»l"&9d|    in   one  noteworthy  tfurtlUtee   fct   leaftt,    r^e^ptions 

t   of  what  was  dur;    I    •     ;   that  ship?,  h  en 

.rdod  and  pjiclishr.en   slain  without   any  reparation  being  made; 
obligations   or    th«  Chinese  government   to   thorn  had  heen 
f  recently  disregarded;   and,    in   short,    tha  iir  residence, 

trade  and  even  their  lives  within  re 

matters   of  t*roat  uncertainty  to  .  By  the   an  of  1840 

th  1  in  addition  to  these  general  gro  er  cortpl  tint   a 

aeries  of   specific  insults  to  redress:   their  flag  been 

fired  upon;   the  chief  superintendent  of  trade,    together 
some  merchants  '\ei  r  families,  had  been  in  in  the 

3  for   seven  weeks;   their  property  had  heen  un* 
lawfully  seized  and  confiscated  or  destroyed;   their  memorials 

d  heen  treated  with  barbarian  icnorance;   the  sanctity  of 

iblio 
ir  residencies  had  been  violated  by  executions  before  their 

doors  and,   finally,    their  persons  had  been  driven  from  Canton, 

On  the  other  hand,    the  Chinese  advance  their  opposition 

to  the   opium  trade,   based  either  upon  moral  considerations  or 

upon  the  fear  of  having  their  land  stripped  of  its   silv  ~ ,     nd 

their  dislike  for  foreigners  as  a  defence  for    their  actions 

toward  the  Iftiglish. 


47 
Under  end*   a  state  of  ftattf  8*1  ritain  declared  war, 

for  the  purpose  net   orl:    of  demanding  reparation  foi 

1  payment  for  p  report:  troyedf   "but   also  to   secure  a  free 

unlrapecfed  trade  with  different  ports  alon  •   coast   and 

to  elbtain  a  guarantee  ar  o©#Sr~ 

Canton. (l) 

(1)  JoeelyB,   17. 


C  XT  A  P  T  9  II. 

Irst   few  monthecf  the  year  1840  wltnubt>ei;.  repar- 

ation and  equipment   of  the  force  which  was  to   or  orwte   in  China 
and  the  neighboring  Beas  under  the  n  n  te- 

pedition" .    Lori  Auckland,    t  rnor-Oeneral   of  In<:   ,5      as 

he  ministry   to  pre;;  ftaft  force  for  =x- 

ition,   wis  both  the  Caj  d  Indian  fleets  were   ©an 

to   reRdeSTOHfl     ,-.  re  to  element   of  the 

force.   As  f  r  completed  in  Hay  th  ition  comprise 

four  -   regiments,    the  18th,    26th,   49th  and   89thj     ,  £« 

Madras  infantry  and  artillery  cc  togethe.  hody 

^C&l  vol-  ~s,   making  in  all  obou"   3600  bayonet  r,  "besides 

the  artiilary  force;   four  ships   of  7<*    ^ms ,    two   of  4tf,    five  of 
i£ht  c  oi*vettes  and  four   steamers  beside, 
orts  for   the  troops,  (1)   Rear-admi ral  tlie  Hon,   George 
Elliot  was  appointed   senior  plenipotentiary  and  also  made 
commandor-in~chief  of  t]  o&ltion.  lure 

arrive  neap ore   on   time   to  ge  north  with  the    squadron, 

the  chief  ceesaand  dev<  .rily  v  'omnodcre  Sir 

Gordon  3  .   The  plan  of  campaign  provided  ft  voue 

(1)    Jocoly  ;   Bernard,    100 < 


49 
of  the  whole  forct  at  Singapore  before  WKf  30.   Prom  there   they 
were   to  proceed  directly  to  the  Island  of  Chilean  at   tflM  th 

•-tse-kian,^,    stopping  on  ,cao  to  1  .rd 

Capt.  es  HI  let  i   who  had  "been  Rgpoii!  !  or 

plenipotentiary.   After  establipMr. 

Mai,    the  conrmnder-in-chj  of  us  tc  'el- 

ate 1  .:r  and  thence 

cnmmun  ions  with  the  in:  1  court  in^.d) 

e   fleet    .  ere   on  J  .  ?\odorc    'Mr 

Qeraon  Areaer  in  enariwd. .         ■  .        rlos  Elliot  wm 

■>,oao,    as  ed,    and   the  fleet   coi  i  usan 

.   ArrJ  .    harbor   of  Cbusan   OB  July 

found   the  Chinese  prepared  to  defend  the   poi  e 

ai,  whic  of  a  rid^o  f  ne 

i  of   tr  o  fehore   line.   Lorti  .Tocelyn,   vfae   served   as  i 
secretary  to  the  H— miHi    linnTittr  c.nd  who  h'-,s  Ik;  .- 

able  account   of    this  fir.  t   cwnpaign,    accompanie  b,   Fletcher, 

in  .      .    S.  Wollesley,  i>reter'  on  "board 

junk  to  discuss   terns   of   surre 
Although  the  Chinese  recognised  at   once  of  the 

Jtaglirh  force,    they  asked  that  the  attack  he  do  until   t 

following  morning  at  day  bre <k,    in  order  to  rive  thorn  an  0 

tunity  to  del  ermine  that  course  to   adoj  t .   As  n  ,d 

con  tile   e'eloe      of  the  following  day,    shortly  after  th 

(1)    Jr.  ,    17    -      .   . 


50 
hour  the  Bttglleh  gyillti  fi  •  junk;.;  :,a(  **• 

.     ine  minutes  sufficed  to  silence  t".  ineso  juiu-rs   and 

to  .        .  nts   into        j  .  ■    « :  ;  ' 

On   i  oil owing  Pt  "bom^arfeent   of   I  "  Ting 

in  giving  the   JtagllKh  free   aceer:;:   to    Qw    city  the 

-o.(l)  «rt 

tlv  or  of  1   illustrai  in  which,  the  Chi 

o  many  of    'heir  cities   and.  fortifieatic  war. 

many  instances  r  gav;  or 

a  forlorn  and   simx  heir 

o   "m*  v  At 

,  drawn  from  1  re- 

did  bc,  en  several  occa&j c 

rer.  a  stuhhornness  worthy  of  Riropeams. 

■  ly  7  Admin  je  Elliot  arrived  a  'n- 

Lef  and  fire-'  tentii  eetablii  r» 

ters    en   the  Wellesley.    He   irjnodiately  deelert  en 

ngpo,    a  large   trading  city   si  Jrv 

irectl;;   opposite  Chusan,    anc5  began  preparations  for 
ettlag  communice-r  iom    with  the   inxeri-1  court.    The 
at  Auk  refusir  a  frienc  at   eeokinc  te   open 

negotiations  under  a  flag*  of  truce,    suffered   severe  pur  nt 

the  hands  of  E.  K.    S.  Blonde's  gunners.   An  attend  ingpo 

to  rei  HMuiieatloB  ferwar<  isc  failed,  tal    in  th:' 


(1)   Jooelyn,   66*56. 


51 
case  through  fear  pert  o^  tl  xlarins  tc  1  nit 

such   a   ■chop"      0   the   emperor, (1) 

On  July  2fl  pal  '-.e  squadron   saiDod  for 

.    At   t!  ith   o:  rltv  Palke,  re 

Tmf.  whe  vc  '  ra  tl  M 

;ncjr  Keashen.   Afetr  about  a  tv  fh 

I    ,    it  w  >s  fimvlly  agreed  that  hob- ilities 

espe<  *  re 

into  the  troubles  atteru  Lin1 8   acts  at  Canton,    ehoiO  vc 

tine  for   an   invest:*  rgfti   alleged  b; 

If  fourd  true,    reparation  wvs  l -rorcitse   .  _e   tg 

n   the  rt   of  September  i  *4 

for   a  per  f  coi':;.     r  iipenG? 

■s. 
nton  and  Macao  the  season  had  r  .ssed   rati' or  ly, 

r   on  his  arrj-  ith  tho  fleet  from  S:  re 

ued  a  no   ice  that  frcn  June  28  the  port   of  Canton  would  be 
considered  in  a  sta  blockad    .        I  ^ 

ton  officials   retaliated    "by  offering  rewards  fcr    the  ^rc 

destr  -aiglj  lag  an  8C   run  ship  of  the 

lir  ,     he  En  V,  rfcttrfclario 

price  and  even  the  natives  guilty  of 
8upplyir  .   English  WJ  .'ovisicne   or   of  helpii.  :vs 

servants  did  not   escape. (o)  inese  resorted  to  Mis 


(1)    Jocolyn,    ?S,  )    Jocelyn,    99-120.    (3)   } ir  I.,    1?2 

•Mackenzie,    201. 


. 

••thod  of  i  e  war,    seeki; 

rsonal  a&ring  and  sacrifice  What   their  mil  .1 

could  not  attain,  F  >v!;^nco,  w! .  .  fell 

in',o  the  hands  of  Chine.  ,    'ho 

only  i  nco  tc    !"  }  he 

Portuguese  governor   of  that  .nd,   v 

.  annoyance*   Boon   :  ion  ■  .ish 

rious.       o     .   Smith  ir  ;,he 

iron  changed  natters,   however,   by   sue-  Mlly 

line  so  y   bX  on  shore,  arm,  v:  *e, 

•.   seventeen  ©  r  guns,   burned  their  jid 

inner  harbor. (1) 
A  dorr  .-.tier.  .       .       .  .nd 

Chusan,  clo  he 

ions  .  .  -, 

(tentiaries 
o  'Tacao,  v  MRmlefKMt-on  was  opened  with  the  spec  5 

ssioner  Ke  ashen,    late'  mton.    Tn  December  a 

ijice  nat.  or  able  ory 

at  m  and  ton  officials,    due  in  all  prc- 

he  growing  influence  of  the  antj 
court   and    to  the  activity  o: 
fill  .(3) 

Meantime,    i  line  SO  had  for  ceo.  Admiral  Charles  JSjLliot  to 


(1)   Ottehterlony,   W),    (2)   Ouchterlony,   Si,    (3)   Jocelyn.    138 ; 

Ouchterlony ,  8fU93. 


53 
resign  the  chief  afHMnd  Gordon 

his  res  aoo<l  ti 

local,     i\-.  net   rxxv. 
refore, 
■s  yet   r« 
)fore  paasi  ;;ecorv  r  it  U 

o   note   t  :l\or~ 

lug  of 
nrt  lc  .  os: 

"I  ye 

nner  \ese  jeer 

>.me  subject,   Joe  el:' n 
i    '  rt  mom<  have  doubted  Pictio    , 

circulated   thro 
dislike  of  nativesin  China  to  tYr  1;        rtar  rulers;   for   it 

I,   as  t  rtuni 

latest  "'.on."   On  13 

11 owing J    "and  their  e  and  anxious  face a  r-roveu 

to  us  I         -'alee  was  the   ld<  w*  were  amongst  a  people  who 

only  wi 
detep-i  id  tyrant  •." 

(1)   Ouohterlony,   90.  {%)   Kaoken 

(3)    Jocely-.,    51. 


CHAPTER        III. 
JJfB  JAMPAKrfl  AB<W  tf A3PPW. 

?he  English  had  not  yet  learned  the  lesson  of  their  first 
Ign   ir   China  by  tho   openin     cf     he   second  and    ,   conse- 
quently,  they  .lost   some  valuable  time  "before  "beginning  their 

t   effective  work.   English  victories  were  ropaatedly  deprived 
of  all  their  value  hy  wiley  Chinese  diplomacy.   These  unscrupu- 
lous diplomats  used    the  armistices  fhey  secured  for  refitting 
their  fortifications  and  collecting  largojrlhodier  of  troops.   On 

-rtiary  7,   Ga.pt .    Charles  Elliot,    finding  his  munerous   "chops" 
availed  noa  toward  a  final   settlement,   gave  over  to  Sir 

remer  and  allowed  him  to  order  an  attack  on  the  two 
forts  defending  the  Bocca  Tigris.  Both  places  fell  readily   into 
the  hands  of   the  English  with  the   loss   of  hut    thirty  wounded 
as  against   the  Chinese  loss  of  six  hundred  killed.   On  the   fol- 
lowing day  tho   r hips  delayed  their  attack  on  the  larger  forts 
in   order   to  give   the   officer  in   e '  .  rge  time  to  consult  with. 
Keashen  about   surrendering  the  Chinese  strongholds,    Shortly 
afterward  Capt.   Kiliot   reported  such   satisfactory  progress   in 
the  negotiations  as  to  warrant  the  withdrawal  ©f  the  ships  tc 
Hong  Ktthg,   which  had  just  "been  ceded   to  England. (1)    Although 

( l )  Ifeokenxi  • ,   29 . 


65 
the  cession ,vo_th  the  rest   of  this  first  attempt  at  a  treaty, 
-  not  ratified,  England  continued  in  virtual  possession  of 
trim   this  date .(I) 
e  T,'onr  Kong  matter  composed  one  of  the  clauses  of  the 
yrovisional  treaty  which  Capt.  Elliot  and  ireashen  drev  up  at 
this  time; 

1.  Cession  of  Hong  Konc   in  perpetuity  to  the  British 

crown; 

2.  Payment  of  #£,000,000  indemnity; 

.   Direct  official  intercourse  "between  the  t 

countries  upon  an  equal  footing;    and 
.   Opening:  of  the  trade  ten  days  after  the  Chinese 

Mil 

Vlkuen  Capt.   Elliot    sent  up   the   final   treaty  about  tho  middle  of 
February  for  Keashen's  apicoval,   he  could  not  understand  the 

nifiaanoe   of  the  hostile   reception  which  was  r;iven  the 
vessel  bearinr  his  messenger.   Then  the  English   suddenly  real- 

4   that  "©ashen  was  playing  thorn  false,   tha4    he  had.  now  "by 

his  treacherous  dealingr   on  three   reparate   occasions  deprived 

them  of   1fce  advantage  which,    if  c  ire  fully  followed  up,  would 

have   enabled  them  sach  time  to  dictate  terms  to  the  Chinese 

without   the  hardships  and  losses  of  the  following  campaigns. 

In  th«  first   instance,  when  he  in  hi*  capacity  of  viceroy 
i 
of  Pechli  was  responsible  for   tho  defence   of  that   province,   he 

(1)   .TLackenzie,    i:     .  (2)   Ouchterlony,   105. 


56 
artfully  succeeded  in  voiding  any  one  runt er  by  having  "himself 
declared  special  commissioner  to  investigate  affairs  at  canton 
by  persuading  the  English  to  withdraw  thither  to  await  his 
action.  Then  this  suspension  of  hostilities  agreed  upon  be- 
tween the  belligerents  gave  Chusan,  Amoy,  ZTingpo  and  ether 
'cities  and  harbors  along  the  coast  an  opportunity  to  fortify 

dnst  the  coning  of  the  English*  And,  finally,  his  meaning- 
less I     :ations  at  Canton  saved  the  fortifications  an  the 
Btc    Igrla  and  took,  as  it  were,  the  city  of  Canton  r 

lish  hands.  For  during  the  tine  gained  by "chopping" 
he  repaired  the  batteries  de  troyed  on  January  7  and  gathered 
an  additional  force  of  soldiers  for  the  defence  of  Canton. (1) 
•  treachery  which  has  characterised  the  efficila  dealings 
Chinese  throughout  all  their  relatione  with  foreigners 
has  entailed  upon  England  much  trouble  and  expense,-  from  the 
Nasjartney  embassy  down  to  the  negotiations  with  Keashen,  Its 

Roe  as  aaa  influencing  factor  in  Chinese  diplomacy 
warranto  the  quotation  of  a  passage  given  by  Fackenzie  as  a 

ftal  translation  of  a  Chinese  statesman's  maxim:  "When  the 
territory  of  our  sovereign  is  in  difficulty,  we  ought  immedi- 
ately to  deliver  it.   Ifrat  •  -ould  be  the  use  of  adhering  bigoted* 
ly_  to  a  little  bit  of  good  faith  thereby  involving  doubts  and 

TTad  the  English  plenipotentiaries  been  set  this  as  a  copy 


(1)  Kackenzie,     A*  (2)  Mackenzie;,  46, 


57 
"before   they  began  negoti siting  witli   the   crafty  Keashen,    they 
could  have  saved   the  Ifriglish  forces  much  loss    of  time   m 
life.   As  it  w  ostilities  at  Canton  opened  again  with 

attack  upon  t  ' hened  fortifications   on  .   The 

series  rtillery  actions  and  attacks  by  the   }.and  forces 

which  led   to  the  capture  of  Canton  occupied  from  February  25 
to  T'arch   lo.   Or  J'arch  5   Sir  Hugh  ftou  rived  from  "r-.dras  to 

as»ume  the  chief  MHNBd   <■?  the  army,    on  the  day  of  Canton's 

'   .ti on  tvc  Chinese  node  a  fitting  ending  to  this  chapter 
of  the  war  hy  firing  upon  a  flag  of  truce, (1) 

On  March  80  Capt.   Charles  Elliot  announced  an  armistice 
re- opening   of  t  .    Accordingly  the  fleet   and  the 

troops  moved  down  to  Fong  Kong,   while  IT.   K.    r..   Melville,    74, 
•fid  H«  K.    B,    Samarang,         ,    sailed  for  England.   It   did  not    take 
long  for    t  re   of  Canton  hy  the  English  to   show  decided 

results.   The   emperor  boiled  with  wrath  and   issued  fiery  edicts 
Hid   providing  i^nishment  for  Feashen,      .jointing   in 
place  an   "exterminating  commission"  and  breathing  hatred 
war  inextinguishable  against  the  JSngliah  barbarians •   Chusan 
and  all  |bo  northern  cities  again  rang  with  the   din   of  defon- 
re  pre]  ions.  (2) 

As  usual,   this   armistice  proved  but   another  ruse   on  the 
part   of    the  Chinese  to  gain  time  for  collecting  troops  and  for 
acting  new  batterie   and  fort *fie at ions.   Trade  continued  for 

(i)  sie,   ;  '-      ,     acliierlony,   110-l.av . 

(2)   Ouohterlony,    128-130.     . 


only.     3    n  on  ?lay  21,    in   spite   of  the  fact    that 
3  lieutenant-governor   of  Canton  continued  to  publish  fear 
allaying   "chops"  and  assurances  of  safety  and  good  will,   Capt. 
KLliot    %dvised  all     nglishjnen   to   leave  the   city.  tion 

was  timely;   for   that  night   the  Chinese  made  a  barbarous  attack 

•n  the  fact<  nd  upon    the   small  cutter   to  which  Capt. 

■Blict  had  retreated.    This  time  English,    for   some  unknown 

reasor .    3    d   refused  to  use  their  knowledge   of  the  Chino 

r    ind  the  play  w?»s   soon  on  again.    Sir  Hugh  C<  'im- 

mediately prep  for  an  attack  upon  the  fort?   north   of  \ 

captured  by  the  27th,    everything  was  in  readi- 
ness for  he  city  when  word  c^me  that  Capt.   Elliot  had 

angod  terms?   of   .  der.   Th.ese  provided  for  vtion 

of  the   city  by  the  troops  and   the  payment   of   a  ransom  of 

,000.(1)   ^Then  the  fact   that   SirHugh  Rough's   force  amounted 
to  hut   334    ,     ,11   told,    is  taken  into  consideration,    those  terms 
of  on,    forced  upon  an  ar7#y  more  than  ten  times   us 

,    should  not  furnish  grounds   of  criticism  of  Capt .   Elliot's 
•ioncyin   saving  Canton  from  the   --ell  desen-  tion  of 

turn  by  assault.   The  first  of  June  saw  the  troops  and  ships 
again  withdrawn  from  before  (3  eft  ton.  (ft] 

On     h     ttttfc   of  August    Sir  Henry  Pottinger,   who  had  been 
l  sole  plenipotentiary  and   chief  superintendent   of 
the   trade,   arrived  at  Fong  Kong  to   succeed  Capt.   Charles 

(1)    Lord  Colchester,    12.  (2)   Mackenzie,    100-126; 

Ouchterlony,    134-150. 


59 
£11  ic  .   :  ilral  Sir  Gillian  Parker  also  came  out  A    this  tine 
as  commander-in-chief  at  the  India  and  China  station  and.  "by 
virtue  f  his  appointment  siicceeded  Commodore  Sir  Gordon 
Bri      r;  commar-a^r- In -chief  of  the  I      force  with  tl 
"   stern  Sagp  edit  ton".  .After  the  arrival  of  reinf  ore  orients  at 
Tcng  KfcBg  the  squadron  sailed  for  the  north  on  August  21   and 
sed  tl     ond   campaign  of  the  var.(l) 
fore  the  departure  of  Sir  Henry  Pottlnger  :  he  north, 

mton  official  b      an  interview  lc      to  an  arrange- 

t|  for  once,  they  receive.1  a  refusal  from 
ngliah  plenipotentiary  to  allow  British  subjects  I 

upon  the  treacherous  mercy  cf  the  Chinese.  With  the  , 
e  in  the  diplomatic  representative  from  33ngland  came  a 

ig«  in  the  attitude  V  gliflh  in  China  were  henc  - 

forth  to  assume  toward  these  advances  from  the  scheming  Chinese 
official  .   ,  instead  cf  openin.  t  t  establishment  at  Canton, 

cttinger  made  provisions  Tor   a  permanent  and  order- 
ly settlement  at  Konc  Kong.  A  sufficient  force  wai  detach-- 
from  the  expedition     ;uard  the  35nglish  interests  there  and 
prevent  the  Chinese  fron  further  Military  preparations. (2) 

(1)  Kaokexusit,  18G*1BS|  Cue    ...ony ,  161  j  "urray,  10. 

(2)  Mackenzie,  187 j  Ouoattrlony,  170-172. 


o  h  a  ]         r     r\r. 

point   of  attacV  on   the  way  north  way  Amoy,    the 
•hosen  "by  Sir  Josiah  Child  some   one  hundred  fifty  years 
'ore  fof  the  establishment  of  the  first  Rnglish  factory  in 
n    .    Mtfceugh  more  strongly  fortified  and  def ondod  than  the 
I  prev  attacked,    it   fell  before   the   general  bonb  >rdm 

•Tjont   of   'he  fleet   and  the   stormin     of   the  marines  and   no  Idlers 
on  the  twenty- sixth  of  ttfet*  'Vithan  loss  of  a  single  man 

,ntry  drove   the  Chinese  who   still    sto rds  "by  il  fptof 

f  the    Frenches  around  the  oity  wall  and  occupied  the  city 
elf  without   any  resistance  worthy  of  the  rtarto.(l) 

.   K»    S.   T>ruid,   Pyl?ides  and  Alger  tee   t  o  blockade 
irt   and  a  garrison   of   abeu':    seven  hundred  non  f 
Mi  and  '.ments  for   the   island  of  Koolarigsco  vf 

commands  Araoy,    the  expedition  continued  northward  of   September 
fifth  and  stood  for  ClniBan.  Hen  found  tho  chine  bo  had' 

,de  excellent  use   61  the  interval  since  the  departure  of  the 
lish  in  February  hy  throwing  up  a  strong  lino  of  fortifica- 
ns  about  the  harbor   and  city  of  Tingh&i.   These   in  turn  were 
all   itemed  and  Uflttn  jlieh  on  October  1,    the  land 


(1)        ,  XI.,  232-250$  Ouehtorlony,  X74rl77j  '  -"rr^yt    12-22, 


61 

ces  doing  the  brunt   of  the  work  under   support  from  the 

ships  *   guns.d)   Iamediately  upon  the  recapture  of  tin    island, 

"enry  Pottinger  announced  t3  ^rrangsmenta  woiild  be  made 

bliahi]  gpci.     . .-  •'    ■ "  no 

aire  n.£hai   and  its  d«r  reels  he  restored  to 

t ,    until   the  ufcole    if  the  dei  of 

not    only  complied  with,   but   carrier  o  full   bff 

>t»"(2)   Binj  ,    writi  fore    H    .     ■  .-  I  :"      ' 

quotation  b  he  permanent  retention  of 

conaidera  one   of     hi  moat  advantageous  point*  'he 

whole  northern  coast. 

>  tab  or  9,   A  l  rir  William  Parser  ore 

attack  upon  the   cit?    ttt  Ghlnghai    at  the  mouth   of  the  ?Ting]  Q 

.   The  followir  ht  vesaels  took  up  their  positions 

"ore    the   fortifications   and  pursued  the  usual  tactics   of 

breaches  f<  to  advance  upon  a  frustrat 

enemy.   The   soldiers  escaladed  the  walls  and  one  le  planted 

•ifrlish  flap;  up  en  t"  of  a  captured   Chinese  cit:  . 

Imated  losses*  of   the   imperial   forma   In  actions  of 

tills   one  day    unountod   to  fifteen  hundred   against    sixteen  killed 

d  a  very  few  wounded    on  ide   of  .(3) 

ree  days   later   the   advance    of  part   of     he   force  u]  OH 

o   revealed  the  unexpected   sight    of  a  great   city    of    ^.n^^o^X) 

itanta  deserted  by  its  defenders.   The  English  took  posses- 

aion  on  October  51,   but  they  could  find  no  manaarins   or  of  fit? 
TTT~  1  .  ~  ".,  TTTT^O;    Ouchterlony,    17a  j     la-r^r,    ."*-:w,. 
(2)Bin£ham,    II.,    266.    (5)   ttin^aa,    II.,    266-281}   Murray,    42-50. 


wh om  to  ar  r ang •   a  r ai n i ic r i .  ( 1 ) 
DvHU  ftw   r-  cceeding  months?,   the  English  had 

ative  rest  and  were   further   strengthen  efl  "by  the   arrival   of 

.its  from  JYigland  ai  '     .      inor  'r.st 

iflri  crJ    t  nt:.l  the 

middle-    of  March,    1842.(2)    Vhe  of    this  nor."     )  >n 

looted  by  the  Chinese  as   tl 
;   cities  of  King  d  Chi. 

*'  nforl'  day***    So   it    turned  out  to  be,    thai 

osite   sense  fi^cn  irhich    the;     Intended  it.   Their  forces  having 
enetered  ?Tingpo  at   night  v;ith  the   intention  of  surprising  i3 
fcgllsh,   net  witl  ible  defc/t.    Th&ir   fire   rafts    and 

gainst   the   fleet    succeeded  no  belter.    At   Chinghai 
"celestial*"   escaped  with  lees   loss  hut  with  no  Mere   credit 
th  s   at  : 

This  demonstration  on  the   tsnV  cf 

the   Chinese   "exterminating"     lav.   As   soon  as   the  Engli. 
wanders- in-chief  learned  t"  large  force  w   s  massing  he 

river   at   Ta#kt    ,    they  took  about   1  ;CK  i  vj     to      1  J  :,ck 

and  disperse  .(4)    Sir  Hugh  Ocugh's  (  ch   then         hat  the 

Chinese  place*  .t  hopes   in  the  body  of  flaked   Ire  •«- 

bled  .about   O.'sekee  and  thai    the  aetlea   on  the  Heights   of  mi, 

just  back  of  ,    gave  proof  of  the  c< 

(1)   Bingham,    II.,    282-28    ,      urra,  ,    58.      (2  ,    ZX«f    28? . 

■,  ,  67*2  •  . 

(3)  Bingham,  II.,  2SK>j  Ouohterlony,  urray,  I   -11*. 

(4)  Bingham,  II.,  306. 


*8 

officers   and  nen.    As  usual  ,    the  Chinese   suffered  d.ef ©•  t    and 
utter  rout.(l)    Xt  was  just  after  the  return   from'  Tsekee   that 

lllaJi   discovered  another  o^  those  proclamations,    Issued 
"by  a  h  e   of-ric5.nl,   whieii    prw  irml   rewards   for 

tlte  capture  and  slaving   of  >inglish   officers   and  men.    $50,000 
attached  to   1"  re   of  either   of   the   "rebel  chiefs"  and 

urn  to  the  production   of  tr  heads. (2) 

urly  li  Lngpo  was  in  It*  turn  evacuated  ard   tl 

fleet   proceeded   northward  for  an   attack  apon  Chaptio,    a  srtftlJ 

I  rty  miles  below  Hang-chau  and  the  por  ;  ntry 

for  nese  .The  f  .11   of  Chap*>o  w  s  marked  by  nn  un- 

usu  11      stubborn  resistance   on   t!  wt   of  the   Tart  a-  risen 

f  great   self-slaughter  and  carnage  the 

,   who   so  far  misunderstood  their  conquerors  as   to 
trover  1  -der  their  own  families   rather   than   to   allow  thorn 

t-i  r^ar?   n    f  ]    nds«(3)    feci,  here     for   the  first 
time,    signs   of  waver?  ^an   to  show  in   the  Chinese   official 

circles.   THepoo,   who  had  "been  restored   to  the  governorship   of 
Che-  rcvince   arc  figured  throughout   alt   th<    lattdr 

part   of  the  negotiations  with    the  JJnglieh,    S'  to  arrange 

terms   of  -.(4)    Ihe  Tlnftlish  plenipotentiary,   however,    re- 

fnsec'    to  treat  with   anyone    save  persons  delegated   fro 
emperor  with  plenary  powers  to  conclude  rx  treaty. (5) 

(1)   Bihghan,    II.,    29<  —  1    j  ierlon",    2i:.:->-2'V  . 

y,   1  '     .       "1. 

{:}  ham,    TT.,    318 j  Ouchterlcn;  ,    £81  ;  Murray,   136-14    . 

(4)  'a  communication  to   Sir  Hugh  Gough;  iSttrrav,    271* 

(5)  Bingham.  II.,  327.  Eng.  plenipotentiaries  te  Rlepeo ^turray, 

27*. 


54 
Leaving  Chapco  on  ,    the  fleet   mmg  round  the  head- 

ed SKn£~&nfli  Ba;-  and  el  In   to  e\t1  '    '  os 

of  *©oeung(l)  %&$Utl(£)    en    r  .    After   in- 

i.ctin.     tl]  *ae   oj  re- 

inf  mflWmc?   and    Xnd5a  tl :  "or   the 

bions  up  the  Ynag-tee-ktan    ,    the   fleet   again  "broke   out 
lit   sail  .     Aire  9  was  well   into    1  hi  river.  (3) 

•er   of   infantr;  ,  elve  liable  fcr 

Aye   Bcrvic*   in  dgn  amounted  less   than  9000 

,  i  ,    "<"th, 

r<    '        ts;  t'  ,  ■    '    ftftd  4 1st  regitoenta 

of  \ative   i  ,    and  lerv. 

lonel  .       miral  Sir  VilJ  r  commanded 

-    '-        i  s,   2  an<ied   eurraying  vessels, 

;j  armed    -  ,         irmeS    steamers  as    the  of 

openigg   of  the.se 
It  is  m  '  'ip  until   t.:    .    letual  -at ions  I 

:  Yang-tse—  '  valley,    the    court   at   Pekino  had   suffer* 

XI tile   uirect  h.jrm  or   inconvenience   fron  the  Kn;.  victories 

le  ar*  ude   occasioned  b  le 

reports.  During  the  campaign  about   Canton  and  cities  on 

tern  coast  the  Peking  officials  haat,  %  put 

(1)  Blr  T%gh  (tough* 8   dispatch  to   Lord   Bt    nley,    June    1    ,    1842,- 

. 

(2)  Sir  Ts  dispatch  of  J     '-,-  v-rr^>    ■   '■•■;  Sir 

ottinger's  Circular  of  oune  84,-  rurray,  W£6 . 
.  II. ,  328-340;         .  a;  ,  295-3   . 
(4)  Ouchterlony,  329. 


C5 
every  effort  to  render  the  Peiho  Piivar  and  the  capil  ." 
pregnable.   They  feared  t]  nee  of  the   enemy  J.r     '" 

f   cf  Peehilif   hut    tfetv  seemed  to  ferret   the  great    injurjr  the 
3C!ild  Infl:l  •  blocking   ■  June* 

ture  with  the  Yfcfcg^tse-kiane  a*  fciri£   nff  af  "he 

supplies  of   the   iinp.erl.al  city.   This  the  English  set    ahent  doing. 
On  the  21  jst   of  cTui;y  they  landed  in   three  hri  Lajcr- 

G-nereal  Lei  htoun,  Major-        >ral  Schcedde  an  -        ar -  .1 

; tley,    and  opened  the  Yang-tse-kiang  campaign  by  stormljog 
f  -hin-kianc.  The  '  r  resistanc*    ) 

vith  the  extreme  heat  tc  an  arduous  or    . 

column  fought   spirited  engag enente  without  i 
walls  before  the  Chines  cd.(l)   Ouchterlony  traces 

these  movements  with  great   c;re  and  point  out  the  decisive  re- 
Its   of     his  victory. (2)   By  it   the   empire  was 
severed.   The  carried  beyond  the   strictly  maritime 

districts  where  the  emperor  ■■  hie   subjc<  I    would 

be   easily  confined;  great   distress  had  been  caused  nmon£  the 
natives  of  the   inner  provinces  1        I  is   stoppage   of   t]  - 

.11   eise,    the  defeat   pf  a  favorite  general  vith  a 

(1)   BinghaSL,    II.,   344-31     ;      array,    172-17y ; 

r  ~enry  Pe.ttlftgar's  Circular   w?o    -er  ?r '  ie 

ty»s  p  China.   July  24t»  I*nrr<     ,    841; 

Sir  Hugji  (tout's  dispatch  of  July  35a-   ffcirray,    279; 
Report   of  Ma^  .-Gen.    Schoedde,    in  eomm  and  of  second 
brigade,    to   Sir  >ug!fa  on  Jul,-  SO,,*  }  •      . 

(<i)    Ouoxi w or  1  unj' ,    u;j  3-411. 


66 

l.rge  army  of  picked   soldiers  had  at  1st  brought  the  imperial 
court  to  its  senses  and  dispelled  from  their  minds  the  "blind 
"belief  in  the   invincibility  of  the  Chinese  forces.  (1) 

After  the  fall  of  Ching-kiang  Xlepoe  tried  agala  to   open 
negotiations.    Sir  Henry  Pottinger  mot  his  advances  by  refusing 
absolutely  to  check  the  British  advance  until  he  should  receive 
from  Peking  duly  appointed  plenipotentiaries  with  assurance* 
of  good  faith.   Consequently  the  fleet  proceeded   on  Up  thu 
river  and  took  up  its  position  before  Nanking  during  the  first 
few  days  of  August. (2)   Once  more  Elepoo  asked  f©r  delay  but. 
with  little  better   success   than  before.    Sir  Hugh  Gcugh  con- 
tinued his  active  preparations  for  an  attack  upon  the  city. (3) 
until  informed  by  Her  Majesty* s  plenipotentiary  on  the  seven- 
teenth that  negotiations  ah&  reached  a  sufficiently  satisfac- 
tory stage  to  warrant  a  suspension  ef  hostilities. (4)   Sir 

mry  Pottinger's  determination  and  firmness  had  at  last  con- 
vinced the  court  of  the  necessity  for   speedy  action,    if  banking 
was  to  be  saved.   After  the  usual  preliminary  negotiations  and 
diplomatic   intercourse  between  the  plenipotentiaries,   the  treaty 
was   signed  on  board  K.  M.    S.   Cornwallis  on  August  29,    1842.(5) 

(1)   Ouohterlony,   411-413,  (2)  Oucnterlcny,   ■'  in^ham, 

II. i    355. 

( 3 )  S }.  r  '         '  b  p  at  c  h  t  q  Lord   S 1 1  tn  1  ey  o  n  Axa  r;  i  1 > 

;,-  Murray,    300,509. 

(4)  Bingham,   XI..   SrtOj   Ouchterlony,   <■:"  j;    '       tugl    "  u  *  fs  dis- 

patch  to  Tord  Stanley  on  August.   21,    1842,-  Mtt?Tiqr.~91ti| 
Sir  y  Pot  dinger's  dispatch  to  Sir  Wtlljam  Parker 

and   Sir  Hugh  Gcttgh,   August   17,   1842,-  y,   313. 

(5)  Ouchterlony,   450  j   Cixv.}  ie,  ;   "Ir  Ttnnrz    Pottinger' e 

dispatch  to  Sir  William  Parker  and  Sir  Fugh  Crough, 
August   2?t   1842, -  ffurraj  ,    S3  \ 


CHAPTER       V. 

THE  TREATY  OF  H4RKIJR3    «3D   II  CTTfTOK, 

Considerable  conflict   exists   fanong  the  authorit5.es  con- 
sulted over  the  date  and  manner  of  the  signature  of  the  treaty 
that  ended  the  First  Chinese  War.  For  instance,     ;ingham(l) 
makes  the  statement  that  "the  plenipotentiary  on  the  17th  com- 
municated to  the  comrianders-in-ohief  that  the    following  treaty 
of  peace  had  "been  signed  by  the  imperial  commissioners",    and 
passes   over   the  business    of  the  29th  with  this  meagre  reference: 
"Active  hostilities  therefore  oeas  d,   and  the  &nperorfs  assent 
to  the  provisions  having  been  intimated  by  an   imperial  edict 
on  the  29th,   vessels  were  dispatched  to  the  different  Chinese 
ports  to  remove  the  embargoes  on  their  trade. "(2)   From  such  a 
statement  of   the  facts  it  must  be   inferred  that  the  formal 
signature  of  the  treaty  took  place  on  the  17th,  whereas  the  ^ 

articles  drawn  up  and  signed  that  day  const! tu ted  only  a  pro- 
visional treaty  that  mbckx  had  to  be  submitted  to  the  emperor 
and  receive  his  approval  before   the  Chinese   commissioners 
cmld  sign  in  full   authority  to  bind  their  government.  ?#iat 
Sir  "enry  Pottinger  really  did  communicate  was  the  request   for 

(1)   I-irebam,    II.,    :>CO.  (2)   Bingham,    II.,   36... 


r>8 

a  suspension  if  hostiliti  es,  (1)  T,is  dispatch  ran:    "Gentlemen- 
I',  affords  me  great,   satisfaction   to  have   it   in  my  power  to 
inform  you  that  my  ne  tions  with  the  Chinese  high  officers 

who  have  boon   appointed  by  \r  t(fl  for  no- 

to    that  slate   that  authorize  b  Mi  u   ba^   thai  you 

will  consider  hostilities  suspen&fcd (Dated)    Steam  Frigate, 

en,    off  Nankin,    17th_AugUBt,    184f;.»(;>) 

Confusion  "becomes  worse  confounded  when  the  proceedings 
on  August   20    -\re  examined.    S,  Wells  Willi 'ins  writes:    "It  wa» 

ill  lake  at  night    on  the   17th  that  the  final  draft  was 
sent   to   the    'hinese",    and  he  says  that  the  visit   of  the  Chinese 

loners  to   the  Cornwall is  on  August  ^#(3)  was   one  of 
ceremony  only.   ~7urray(4)   and  Ouohtorlony{5)    speak  of  an  earlier 
arrangement   of  a  provisional  treaty  and  give  considerable   space 
to  their  derailed  accounts   of   this  visit   of  the  20th  without 
oven  mentioning  the  transaction  of  any  official  business.   Yet, 
on  the  other  hand,    Sir  Henry  Pottinger   in  his   circular   "To  her 
2*ri  tannic  Majesty's   Subjects  in  China",   which  was    "P>ated  on 
board  the  steam  frigat*  Q^ieen, . .  .off  Hanking,   this  gQ&h^Jlay  of 
August,    1843*,    says:    "TTer  Britannic  Majesty's  Plenipotentiary, 
etc.,    in  vThina  has  extreme  gratification  in  announci.  her 

(1)  Ante,    "\ 

(2)  Sir  Kenry  Pottinger fs  dispatch  to  Sir  William  Parker  and 

Ugl       '••    ■"  it   1" ,    1^42,-  ?.!urraj  .    $!&*> 

(3)  Obviously  written  by  mistake  for  the  20th.-  Williams,    56f>. 

'-•-ray,    197. 
(n)   Ouchterlon^ ,   *42. 


69 
Majesty's   subjects  in  China,   that  lie  has  this  day  concluded 

and   signed  with  the  Chinese  High  Commissioners,   deputed  to 

negotiate  with  him,    a  treaty,    of  which  the  following  are  the 

most   Important  provisions w(l)   Nov-,    of  two   things,    one: 

tither  the  authorities  who  treat  this  period  and  seem  to  agree 

that  this  provisional   treaty  was  signed  before  the   86  th   are 

all  wrong,    and  tMs  dispatch  of  Sir  Rinry  Pott  ingot's  must  he 

controverted 
taken  as  settling  beyond  a  doubt   thlaA<pteetlen]   or   some  mis- 
take may  have  been  made  in  th  g   or  printing   Gf  fh^s  dis- 
patch,  which  weul4  readily  explain  away  the  disagreement .   But 
from  the  material   at  hand   eh3            b  orach  can  bo  stated  ai  cer- 
tain; tf.  provisional  treaty  0*a  signed  and  Rent  Tv,    for  tfui 

nrrri~   apprev  aettmo  during  the   interval  between  August 

h4  BOtfc* 
Lieutenant -Con  0*^0    ftm&iwil  ,    In  Ms  fclfe   of  Colin  Campbell, 
Lord  Clyde,  (2)    also  makes   a  mistake   as   to  the  date   of    'his 
treaty  when  ho   says:    *A  treaty  of  peace  was  cor  eluded  on  the 

"■    of   fcuguet....;    and   the   object   of  the  expedition  having 
been  attained,    the   squadron  retraced    its   steps  down  the  Yang- 
tseoki- ■-  •*.  "  Furthermore,    Colonel  rnollys  la  hie  Life   of  General 

-  TTopr        '  ait  glvei  Mi  27t^   ae  the  d  ft  the   second 

visit   of  the  Chinese  commissi on era  t  .•  Cornwall  is  and 

of  the   •elgning  of  the  final  treaty*,  "is   story  of  this  meeting 
(?>)  corresponds  ic  closely  5r  detail  wltfc   the  aecotwts  ef 

(1)    Sir  Hetty  Fetttnger'a   circular,-     ^rray,    'PW&, 
aadwell,   118.  '?>)  Khellye,   !^7 


70 

Ouchterlony! 1)  and  Murr«y(2)  of  the  meeting  on  the  29th  as  to 
preclude  the  possibility  of  reference  to  different  instance** 

Murray's  mistake  in  chronicling  the  events  attendant  upon 
the  signature  of  the  treaty  under      of  August  :*H>th(3)  must 
he  attributed  to  carelessness,  for  he  publishes  in  the  appendix 
to  his  work  the  vary  dispatch  cf  iter   Majesty's  plenipotentiary 
which  set  bias  beyong  all  question  of  doubt  that  this  meeting 
with  the  Chine.se  high  coiamie si  oners,  together  with  the  signing 
of  the  treaty,  took  place  on  August.  29th. (4) 

The  commissioner  a  appointed  by  the  eaperer  +c   nej     +  * 

tr  *  s  trp'it"  wf*re  i 

l*Kaa**ving,    a   cousin   of  the  or  himself  ^ 

General   of  the   ^ an ton  forces; 

8  T;ieutei         -   -oyernor  of  ^'hapooi   and 
3.^nu,    Qentral-ir^Chief  of  Fiang-su   and  Kiang-si.(5) 
The  treaty  itself  as   finally  concluded  furbishes  an   epifc- 
Acme   of  the  re  Ml   In   th  1  s  W'«.r,    A  synopsis  1   ifcs 

warranted  because  %ha  pf 'Wfal  provisions  show 
tea   definite   settlement    of  long  mi  inns,    and  because 

horities   consult      (6j   Is     r       -Iriost  generally  copied   the 

■iff;  t    %t    tha    articles  £iven  by  Sir  Trenry  PettiHgar   in 

i  i  .  i  ,  .       >— -,.. n  .     .,..,.., .  ,  ..,„,,.... ,,  ,  .i  i.  n.  — i —. 

(1)    Ouchterlony,    450.      (2)   Hurray,    209.        (3)   Murray  209. 
[4*    Sir  Haiiry  Pottinger's  di  spat  oh  to  Sir  William  barker  and 

Sir  Hugh  Gough,   dated  August  29,    1842, ~  Murray,   316; 

Sir  Hugh  go  Lai  jalay,    Augu  ,  -  :'\ifi<\j , G12 

Annual  Register,    18*4,    £83..  "  ~ 

(5)   Bingham,    II.,    560j   Murray,    19<  . 
(p>)  Bingham,   II.,   360;   Ouchterlony,   *5i;  Williams,   II.,   568; 

Davis,    I.,    158. 


71 
his   "Circular  to  her  Britannic  Majesty1*  Subjects  in  China*, 
under  d  to  of  August  20,   1842.(1)   The  articles  are: 

1.  Lasting  peace  and  friendship  betweenthe  two  empires, 

2.  Xfci  ports  of  canton,   Amoy,   Fu-ch*u,   Finfrpo  &n&  Shanghai 

tc  bo  thro-  on  to  British  subjects  for  residence 

and  trade;    superintendents  or  consular  officers  to  be 
appointed  tc  reside  at   these  ports;   regular  and  just 
dues  to^the  Chinese  government   to  be  established  and 
published* 

3.  The   island  At  Hong  Kong  to  be  ceded  in  perpetuity  to 

eat  Britain. i 

4."The    mperor!of  China  agrees  to  pay  the  sum  of  six 

millions  of  dollars  as  the  value  of  the   opium  ^tiich 
was  delivered  iip  *  at  Canton  in  the  month  of  Karch, 
1859,    as  a  ransom  for  the   lives   of  her  Kajesty*s 
superl^lUBdent  and  the   subjects,  w!?o  had  been  im- 
,nd  threatened  with  death  by  the  Chinese 
Wtgh   Officers. "(2) 

5.   "Tong  merchants  and  Co-hong  at  Canton  abolished  and 

permission  to  trade   in  above  xtwa  named  five  ports 
with     homsoever  they  will  granted  to  English  mer- 
chants.  Furthermore,   p -^Tnent   of  83,000,000  agreed 
upon  as   compensation   for  debts  of  insolvent  ^rong 
merchants  due  British  traders. 

(1)   jtttiy,    238.  (a)    Annual  Register,    1844,    48^. 


72 
6.   j&aperor  to  pay  *~  12,000,000  war  indemnity  to  defray  the 
expenses   of  the  English  expedition;  with  the  reser- 
vation thnt  from  this  sum  there  shall  he  deducted 
all  monies  collected,  by  the  British,    as  ransoms   for 
Tillages  and.  cities,    subsequent   to  tei£  ,    3    £1. 

ft   ?«**&  sun  of  £21,000,000  to  he  paid  as  follows: 

six  immediately; 
six  in  I     ■  ■; 
five  in  1<>-4|   and 
ur  in 
Pi^e  percent   interest  to  run  on  all  amounts  not  paid 
b^  stipulated. 

I  .     ish  subjects  confined  in  any   part   of  China  to 
he  unconditionally  released. 
*->.    An  act   of  full  and  entire  amnesty  to  be  published  by 
the  emperor  to  all  Chinese   subjects  under  the  ban  on 
having  held  service  under  or  intercourse  wlihg    -he 
British  government   or  its  officers. 
lO.Vhe  emperor  agrees  to  establish  and  publish  at  the  five 
oj>on  ports  a  fixed  and  equitable  tariff  for  exports 

and   imports.   British  merchandise  having  once  paid 

conveyed 
custom  dues  at  any  of  the  five  regular  ports  may  be^ 

by  Chinese  merchants  to  any  province   or  city  in  the 

interior,   on  paying  a  further  amount   as  transit  dues, 

Lcl     shall  not  exceed   (the  amount  to  he  fixed)   per- 


73 

cent  of  the  tariff  value  of  such  goods. 

11. Correspondence  between  the  officers  of  the  two  govern- 
ments to  "be  ccnd\*cted  on  grounds  of  perfect   equality. 

W.British  forces  to   retire  from  "ankinf:  and  the  frand 
i".l   and  the  blockade  of  Chinese  titade  to  he  re- 
moved,   as   soon  as  the   emperor*  s   assent  to  the   treaty 
be  received  and  the  first   instalment  of   the  indem- 
nity paid.  military  post  at  Tinghai  also  to  be 
abandoned;   Kcolangsoo  and  Chusan  to  continue  in 
possession   of  the   Kn^lish  until  full  payment  be  made 
id  definite    arrangements  for  opening  the  five  ports 
to  English  merchants  be  consummated. 

lo. notifications  to  be  exchanged  as   soon  as  possible. (1) 
I»one  at  Nankinf;,    August  29,   184J  . 

After  t3  ''or  had   signified  his  approval   of  the  treaty, 

enry  Pottin^er   ordered   the  embargo   of  the  Vang-tse-lciarc 
and   the  grand  1    to  bo   remoroo  .  (:l)    0|  12, 

th«  fl#6t   dropped   dovTi   th«   river.    At   Chusan  they  found   suf  f  j  - 
oient  reinforcements  and  supplier    to   enable   (he   expedition  to 

■ry  out   another  year's  Ofunpalgn.  TTon^  Kong  was    sifted  about 
the  middle   of  October  and   finally  left  behind  by  V\c   r*  burning 

•et  of  anted  -p-esaels  and  transports  late  iv  T^ecom^er. 
force   of  abou-    A  Lned   in  China,  nd 

(1)  Annual  Register,    1844,    483. 

(2)  Sir  Henri'  Pott  inker's  dispatch  of  AugUftt  29,-  Hurray,    316. 


74 
of  Lord  Saltoun,  to  hold  Ohusan  and  Koolangsoo  according  to 
tho  provisions  of  the  treaty,  and  to  constitute  a  permanent 
garrison  for  'Toni:   K"on£.  Major -General  Sehoedde  commanded  about 
2000  of  tho  man  stationed  at  Ohtisanj  Lieutenant-colonel  Cowper 
ltad  about  1000  to  hold  Eoolattcsoo;  while  the  remainder  con- 
stituted the  garrison  at  Hon/;  Kor!(  ,    er*  Lord  Saltoun  had  his 
liGadjuarters.  (1) 

With  this  disposition  c  the  troops  left  in  China,  Sir 
Henry  Pottinger  was  in  a  position  to  demand  a  fulfilment,  of 
the  treaty.  The  Chinese  High  Commissioner  Keying  exchanged  tho 
ratifications  with  Sir  Henry  on  Juen  26,  1843,(2)  and  at  that 
time  signed  with  him  a  declaration  which  fixed  the  transit 
duties  according  to  Article  10  of  the  Treaty  if  :Tankinf;.  (3) 
This  date  also  marked  the  beginning  of  Sir  Henry  Pott  inker's 
term  as  governor  0f   --0n»-  rone:.  (4)  ?y  the  22nd  of  July  Sir 

was  able  to  publish  the  commercial  treaty  and  the  scale 
of  tariffs  which  tod  been  i    d  upon,  and.  in  his  proclamation 
accompanying  these  documents  he  warned  the  British  subjects 
that  they  were  forbidden  to  trade  in  any  of  the  four  new  treaty 

■rts  until  formally  opened  and  that  they  must  in  no  case  at- 
tempt to  trade  in  any  but  the  treat:-'  ports  along  the  coast. (6) 


(1)  Willi*       Boulger,  221.  IZ)  '  r,  H30. 

(o)  Annuaa  Register,  1844,  $86. 
[4]      &  Register,  18/-  ,  571. 

(b\    Anniial  fieglst e r ,  184 3 ,  368,  has  "June"  for  July. 
Annul  a  Kegieterj  lt>43, 


75 
Keying,  in  his  proclamation,  in  turn  urged  the  Chinese  to  ob- 
serve with,  greatest  Cv7tre  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  and 
announced  "that  a  commencement M  should  "he  made  with  t- 
opening  of  the  pert  of  Canton  under  the  new  regulations,  on 
the  first  of  the  sQYerith   month  (July  27,  1  I  '.(1)  On  August  3, 
"■nry   Pcttinger  published  another  proclamation  in  the  Hone 

ng  Gazette  discountenancing  the  attests  tc  take  opium  into 
treaty  ports  and  warning  the  English  merchants  that  they 
diu.  so  at  their  peril, (2)  Then  on  October  tj  1-43,  followed 
the     lementary  Treaty  between  Her  Fajeety  and  the  Emperor  of 
China  which  regulated  the  conducted  of  the  Inglish  in  thejtreaty 
ports  and  in  general  cohered  all  matters  in  dispute  which  con- 
nected themselves  with  the  new  arrangement  about  to  be  initi- 
ated.(S) 

Under  this  new  regime  Mr.  G.  Y.  Lay  began  his  duties  as 
consul  at  Cnnton  on  July  27,  IMS]  Capt.  George  Palfour  went 
up  as  8onsul  tc  Shanghai  and  ?*r.  Fenry  Bribhle  to  Amoy  in 

'■ember  of  that  year;  while  'ft*.  Robert  Thorn  took  up  the  work 
shortly  afterward  at  Ningpo.(4) 

With  these  offieeri  est       '  at  the  fiTC  open  ports 
and  the  trade  again  runr    Ln  peaceful  channels,  there  r>  - 
ined  little  more  to  he  done  to  carry  out  in  full  the  Treaty 

(1)  Annual  Register,  1843,  369. 
(<.)   Beulger.  lis.,    o71« 

(3)  Annus      istfr,  1844,  487. 

(4)  ^oulger,  III.,  H50,  250n. 


76 

of  Nanking.   The  Chinese  govern*  ient,    on  its  side,  mad©  its  pay- 
ments promptly  at  the   stipulated  limes  and  demanded  in  return 
the  evacuation  of  Foolangsoo   tat  Chus&n  by  the  British  forces. 
The  garrison  left  Eoolangsoo  and  QEtttftfia  *&i  evacuated    in  «Tul;  , 
'5,   just   a  little  toe   soon  tc  "be  of  use  tc   the  SngljU  & 

crd  to  play  against   the  hostile   attitude  recently  e,»trumed  by 
the  populace  and  officials  at  Canton. (1) 

Sir  Henry  Pottinger,   who  had  passed  over  the  governorship 
of  Hon.-    Fong  t«   BUr  Fohn  Pranoie  X>avis  in  July,   1844,(2)   left 
the  British  interests  in  China  hn  what  appeared  to  be  a  road 
of  permanent  |  eace   and  prosperity.   £££  had  discountenanced   the 
opium  trade  and  had  hogged  his  countrymen   to   observe  with 
strictest  faith   the  new  commercial  regulations.    Then,    after 
his  term  of  most  valuable  and  honorable   service   to  the  British 
government  throughout  all  these  important  diplomatic  re&ktions 
with  the  Stipiro   of  the  East,   he  departed  for  England  in  fej 
hopes  that  his  work  would  yield,   a  permanent  peace.   This  hope 
he  shared  wilfc  the  rest   of  Her  Majesty's  subjects  in  China; 
but   like  them  he  failed  to  reckon  with  that  constant   source  of 
trouble   and  discord,   which  had  been  the  cause  of  many  grievous 
complaints  in   earlier  ye  rs.    In  the   rabble   ?n&   officials   at 
Canton  were  to  be  found  the  elements  of  strife  which  were  soon 
to  upset    the  newly  established  peace  ^nd  launch  the  two  nations 
into   another  costly  war. 


(1)  Davis,    I.,    *#*<  (2)   Boulger,    III.,    853* 


L   X   0  a  R  A  P  H  Y. 


—  o-- 


Annual  Register ,    The,    or   a  ^ievr  of  the  History  and  Politics 
of  the  Year  1B4  ■',   London,    lo44.    Same  for  16441   London, 

rratire   of  -e  round  orld,   performod   in  Her 

■*s   Ship   Sbfljfetty  du  fcfce  Years  ia^-18^2,    in- 

-dinc  T>etails  of  the  >Thyh1  Operation*  5n  Chin    ,    from 
Beeeaber  1840,    to  "ovem'ber   1841;   2  vols.;   London,    1843. 

Bernard,   W.  Bit 

rative  of   th<  ^gos  and   Services  of  the  Nemesis  from 

1840    l,o   16421,    and  of  the  Combined  Military  and  ]7aval 
Operations  in  China:   Comprising  a  Complete  Account   of  the 
Colony  of  Hong  Kon£,    and  Remarks  on  the  Character  and 
Habits  of    kfee  Chinese.   Prom  Notes  of  Commander  W.   F.   Hall, 
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Ighatt,    Commander  J.   Ell let,    R,   Jf  •  J 

-rratire   of              xpodition               Lna,    fro?-  "*nenee- 

fit   of    the  War  to   its  '•  ermination  in  1842;  with  Sketches 

of  the  banners  and  OtistOM  of  that   fiingttli  ,  ft  hitherto 


78 
almost  Unknown  Country}  2   vols.;  London,  1843. 

Boulder,  T>emetrius  Charles: 

TTi  story  of  China}  S  vols.;  London,  1881,  18G4. 

■j  "Shad  welly 

Colchester,  Lord: 

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lenbe     '  s  Letters  to  the  Queen  during  that  Period; 
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Cunyn&harie,  Cap  lain  Arthur; 

An  Aide-do-Camp's  Recollection  of  "e  rvi.ee  in  China,  a 
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the  Chinese  BtoMtJ  2  vols.  ;  tendon,  18.44. 

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SI 1 enb  o  r  ough ,  3  ,c  r  d : 

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79 

8U>i*!  "enry: 

Journal   of     ho  Proceedings   of  the  Late  Embassy  to  Chijta; 

Comprising  a  Correct  Narrative  of  the  Public  Transactions 

of  ty\e  HKtoamsy,    of  tlia  fojrage  to   and  frttta  China,    and    of 

./noy  f  ttffc  of   IL.o   Pel-fe  ulurn  to 

Canton;   London,    1817 . 
ht%    General   Si1"  Hope  t    Bee    "XnollyB*. 

jTeeelTlT,   5>erdi 

"ix  Months  with  the  Chinese  Sxpedltitm;    ^(    Leaver?  from 

Soldier f  s  Net  c-l^ov  ;   Lend on ,    I&41 . 

9lly«,   Colonel  Henr    : 

fe  $f  General   Sir  Hope  Grant  with  Selections  from  His 
Correspondence:   2  vols.;   H&intourgh  and  London,    169- . 

okenzie,   Keith   Stewart: 

Narrative   of  t.ho   Beeeftd   CuqealgB  in  China;   London,    1842. 

/'urray,   Lieutenant  Alexander  1 

lings   ii«   China.   P.einfl  thi  Personal  Tfarrntive   of 
Officer  engaged  in  the  Late  Chinese  Expedition,   from  the 
^capture   of  Ghusan  in  18*1,    to  the  Peace   of  banking  in 
1842;   London,    1843. 

Oprehterlony,    Lieutenant   John,    P.    G.    S«  i 

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.-•itish.  Porces  from  the  Commsncenen*   to  the  Treaty  of 
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80 

Shadwell,    Li  out  enant  -General  ,   0.   B*l 

The  Life  of  Colin  Cam],  hell,   Lord  Clyde,   Illustrated  "by 
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Smith,    Kev.    0«Tg»,    **.    A.: 

A  Narrative   of  an  .Tftcploratory  Visit  to  .Haoh  of  tho  Consular 
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isan,    in  "behalf  of  the  QSmTftD  "Missionary  Society,    in 
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Willims,    CH>.   ^ell* : 

Dm  Middle  ttj   A  Summary  of   the  Geography,   Government, 

Education,    Social  Life,    Arts,    Religion,    etc.,    of  - 
Chinese  ?mpir  Tp.hahit.ants ;   2  vols.;  Hew  York  and 

rtden,  1846, 


THE  RELATIONS   OF  EUROPEANS 


WITH   CHINA 


1516   -    1800      &      1847    -   1860. 


THESIS 


Presented  for  the  Degree  of 


Bachelor  of  Arts 


by 


Jesse     H.  Wilson,  Jr. 


Cornell     University. 


1900. 


1  - 


eiiA 


IA^le   OF   contends. 

PART   I . 

The  Earliest  Trading  Relations  through 
The  Macarteney  Embassy. 

I.—  The  Portuguese 

II. —  The  Spaniards 

III.—  The  Dutch 

IV. The  English 


PART  II. 

Prom  1847  through  the  Exchange  of  ratifications 
at  Peking,  November  5th,  1860. 

Chapter  I.-    Prom  1847  to  the  arrival  of  Lord  Elgin, 
July  6,  1857. 


» 


■ 


, 


Chapter     II.-  From  the  beginning  of  Elgin* s  Ml 8 si on 

to   the  Treaty  of     Tien-tsin. 

Chapter  III.-  From  the  Treaty  of  Tien-tsin  to   the 

exchange  of   ratifications  at  Peking, 
November   5,    1860. 


PART  I. 

The  Earliest  Trading  delations  thromgh  the 
Macarteney  Embassy. 


The  Portuguese. 

In  an  essay  which  is  to  deal  mainly  with  the  growth 
of  commercial  relations  between  China  and  the  western 
world,  it  seems  unnecessary  to  go  further  tack  than  the 
voyage  of  Rafael  Perestello  in  1516.   The  somewhat  hazy 
stories  of  communication  with  the  Rome  of  Marcus 
Antoninus,  and  the  marvelous  telle  s  of  Marco  Polo,  even  , 
though  they  may  be  now  conceded  to  be  something  more 
than  mere  efforts  of  the  imagination;   such  stories  of 
the  dim  past,   however  interesting  in  themselves,  &o  not 
seem  to  have  a  sufficient  bearing  on  the  growth  of  Chinese 
trade,  to  warrant  them  more  than  a  mere  notice,  in  this 
place. 

Then  let  the  year  1516  be  our  starting  point. 
That  surely  is  a  long  enough  sweep,  from  1900,  to  include 
even  the  most  remote  sources  of  the  influences  which  are 
at  work  in  the  commercial  China  of  to  day. 


iiXJ"lO^ 


.... 


. 


In  that  year  the  great  Portuguese  conquorer 
Albuquerque  sent  Rafael  Perestello  by  junk  from  Malacca 
to  China  for  the  double  purpose  of  exploration  and  trade. 
Concerning  this  voyage  nothing  is  known  except  that  it 
was  very  profitable.   It  is  after  ascertainment  of  this 
comparatively  simple  fact,  that  confusion  begins. 
Secondary  authorities,  Williams,  Davis  and  Danvers, 
contain  a  hopeless  conglomeration  of  contradictions  of 
themselves  and  each  other.   They  all  agree, however,  that 
the  next  expedition  went  out  in  1518  commanded  by  the 
Peres de  Andrade,  (barring  Davis  who  sends  him  out  in  1520) 
and  that  it  was  accompanied  by  an  ambassador  from  the 
king  of  Portugal,  Thome  Teres.   Concerning  Thames  advent- 
ures, the  accounts  are  infinitely  and  irreconcilably 
varied,  The  general  impression  seems  to  be  that  he 
reached  Peking,  and  that  the  main  cause  of  his  diplomat- 
ic failure  was  the  conduct  of  Simon  de  Andrade, who  es- 
tablished himself  on  the  island  of  S changes1 wan  in  the 
estuary  of  the  Canton  River  in  -  several  different  years, 


<_ 


according  to  your  author.   Williams  alone,  of  tho 
writers  named,  mentions  the  influence  of  an  envoy  from 
Malacca,  as  contributive  to  the  Portuguese  Ambassador's 
non-success.   The  length  of  time  given  for  Thome's  stay 
in  China  varies  from  three  to  twenty- seven  years;  -  with 
the  date  given  for  Simon  de  Andarade's  arrival. 

The  Viconde  de  San  tar  em  >  who  may  be  almost  con- 
sidered an  original  authority,  because  of  his  research 
among  the  original  manuacripts  preserved  in  Lisbon,  in 
his  n   Memoria  Sobre  6  Estabelecimento  de  M&cau",  clears 
up  some  points  and  adds  worse  confusion  to  others. 
In  the  first  place,  he  makes  no  mention  of  Ra  fael  Peres- 
teilo  who  is  said  to  have  come  out  in  1516,  nor  of  Simon 
de  Andrade  whose  rascality  is  presumed  to  have  turned 
the  tide  against  the  Ambassador  Thome1.   Nor  does  the 
name  Thome  Peres  anywhere  appear. 

His  account  reads  :  that  Fernam Peres  de  Andrade 
arrived  with  a  fleet  in  1517,  and  reached  Peking  in  1521, 
being  the  first  Portugaese  since  Marco  Polo's  time  to 


. 


ill 


come  to  China;   that  an  envoy  from  Malacca  arrived 
and  accused  Peres  of  being  a  spy,  whose  real  object  was 
to  find  out  the  weak  points  for  attacking  the  Empire, 
and  that  Peres,  commission  was  not  in  a  form  pleasing 
to  the  imperial  court;   and  that,  Peres  was  consequently 
ordered  to  be  taken  back  to  Macao,  and  executed,  and  that 
the  Portuguese  were  to'  be  driven  out  of  that  place, 
why  these  orders  were  not  carried  out, he  does  not  explain 
but  goes  on  to  say  that  Peres  did  not  perish  but  con- 
verted a  Chinese  woman,  married  her  and  remained  there 
about  twenty-seven  years.   This  story, however,  is  some- 
what weakened  by  the  fact  that  Santarem  seems  to  support 
it  by  a  tale  of  the  notorious  liar  Mindes  Pinto,  who 
relates  that,  in  Sempitay,  about  1548,  or  1549,  he  met 
a  Chinaman  who  could  recite  in  Portuguese  the  first  few 
words  of  the  Dominical  Orison,  and  who  explains  the 
fact  by  saying  that,  the  Chinaman's  wife  was  Peres* 
half-breed  daughter,  calling  herself  Ignez  de  Leira. 


■ 


' 


< 


' 


For  the  next  step  in  the  story,  the  beginning  of 
Macao,  Santarem  appeals  to  a  Frenchman,  Sonnerat,  com- 
missioner of  the  French  Marine,  and  Member  of  the 
Acadamie   of  Sciences  of  Paris.   In  the  extract  quoted, 
he  tells  a  tale  of  how  the  Portuguese  helped  the  Chinese 
defeat  the  Ladrones  (  pirates  infesting  the  Canton  River) 
he  says:   w  Pour  prix  de  leurs  victories  ils  obtinerent 
un  p&tlt  ile  seche  et  avide  a  1' entree  de  la  riviere 
de  Canton,  ou  ils  batirent  Macao?   This  is  the  story 
followed  by  Dan vers,  and  emphatically  denied  by  Williams 
for  the  rather  insufficient  reason  that  in  his  day, 
1857,  the  Portuguese  paid  a  nominal  ground-rent  of 
500  taels. 

Sate rem  then  dismisses  the.  early  complications 
concerning  the  Portuguese  establishment  with  the  remark 
"Tal  e  a  incertesa  e  obscuridade  de  nossas  primemras 
relacoes  com  a  China". 

After  all  the  details  are  not  highly  important. 
The  point  is  that  the  Portuguese  did  establish  themselves 


■J  ..-/ 


at  Macao  before  any  other  Europeans  had  opened  relations 
with  China,  and  along  abput  1537,  had  some  sort  of  a 
settlement  there. 

Davis  admits  only  a  temporary  shelter,  while 
Williams  states  distinctly  that  there  were  "  three 
Portuguese  settlements  near  Canton,  one  at  St  Johns, (l) 
( S ehan chT wan),  one  at  a  smaller  island,  called 
Lamflacao  (  Lang-peh-kau  ) ,  lying  north-west  of  the 
Grand  Ladrones,  and  the  third  just  begun  at  Macao." 
He  adds  that  by  1560  all  the  Portuguese  had  concentrated 
at  Macao. 

The  settlement  at  Macao  seems  to  have  grown  from 
the  few  sheds  built  there  qs  shelter  for  merchandise, 

On  all  other  points,  until  the  barier  wall,  the 
authorities  are  delightfully  diverse.   Davis  states, 
that  the  factory  at  Ningpo  was  established  by  the  ships 
of  the  fleet  of  Pernam  de  Andrade  in  1518.  Williams 
dated  the  settlement  after  Simon  de  Andrade  had  been 

(I)   The  italics  are  mine. 


driven   out   of  Schanch'wan   (which   occurred  according  to 
his  version, in  1521).        Both  agree, however,    that   the 
Portuguese  were  driven  out   by  a  popular  rising  caused 
by  their  own  outrageous   conduct.        One    of  their  most 
unpopular  habits   seems   to  have    ceen  jfchafc   of  scouring 
the  neighboring  country  for  handsome  women  and  virgins. 
Williams,    quoting  from  an  unnamed  authority,    s&ys   that 
the  people   in  their  vengeance   "distroyed     twelve   thousand 
Christians,    including  eight  hundred  Portuguese,   and 
burned   thirty-five    ships  and  two   junks".      How  there 
could  have   been   so  many  Christians      of  which   such   a 
small  proportion  were  Portuguese,    unless   the   said  Portu- 
guese had  accumulated     unusually  large  harems  and  -   - 
££&Selyted  the  members   thereof,    and  whether, under   the 
circumstances,    any  of   them  could  be    called  Christians, 
are   off-shoots   of  the   question  upon  which  dilation  is 
perhaps  unnecessary. 

Davis  makes  mention  of  a  fact  not   elsewhere  noted 
when  he    states   that   about  1522,    one  Alfonso  de  M&Lo, 


arrived  off  the  coast  of  China,  ignorant  of  the  enmity 

which  Simon  de  Andrade  had  aroused.    According  to 

Davis  he  had,  "six  ships  under  his  command, '  These  • 

a  Portuguese  writer  observes,  and  'was  sent  on  shore 

for  water  and  returned  with  blood1."   The  meaning  is 

clear,  if  the  antecedents  are  a  bit  mixed;   and  it 

followed  that  Melo  sailed  away  from  such  an  inhospitable 

coast. 

Davis  al30  discants  at  some  length  concerning 

of 

the  marvelous  adventures . that  marvelous  liar  Mendes 

A 

Pinto.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  he  bases  his  story  on 
some  better  authority  than  that  gentleman's  own.  The 
date   given  for  these  adventures  is   "about  1552". 

He  also  mentions  that   it  was  about   this   time 
"that  the   famous  apostle   of  the   East,    St.   Francis.. Xavler;, 
"concerning  whom  so  many     credible  and  edifying  miracles 
have    been  related,"  died  at   San-Shan,    or  St.   Johns", 
(or  Schanch-wan   )•      He  makes  no   statement.  ,      as  does 
Williams,    that   the    secondPortuguese  Embassy,    which  was 
undertaken   by  the   vice-roy  of  Goa,    and  ,    with  beautiful 


insubordination  prevented  by  the  governor  of  Malacca 
from  proceeding  to  China,  was  attempted  at  his  suggestion. 
It  may  not  te  uninteresting  to  note  that  the  remains  of  St. 
Xavier»s  tomb  may  be  still  seen  at  Scaanchfwan. 

As  to  the  further  development  of  Macao  since 
1560,  Danvers  has  a  tale  of  how  the  Portuguese  aided 
the  Emperor  in  driving  out  a  noted  pirate  (I)   and  in 
return  received  the  gift  of  the  island  by  imperial 
edict.   This  story,  which  Williams  does  not  mention  at 
all,  Davis  emphatically  denies.   He  says  that  Maco 
never  was  held  in  full  sovereignty  by  the  Pontuguese 
that  they  still  (1857)  pay  the  nominal  ground  rent  af 
500  taels,  that  the  Chinese  mandarins  periodically 
inspect  the  Portuguese  forts,  and  levy  import  duties. 
It  also  appears  that  a  Chinese  officer  called  a 
Tsotang,  governs  the  Chinese  residents  and  the  town, 
the  Portuguese  being  granted  the  privilege  only  of  govern- 
ing themselves  and  being  even  prohibited  from  building 
any  houses  without  official  permission. 


(I)   v.  ante  Santaren,  who  dates  this  occurance  much 
earlier. 


. 


10 

The  story  Macao  during  the  last  half  of  the 
eighteenth  and  the  first  decade,  of  the  nineteenth 
centuries,  is  one  of  decline.   The  Chinese  became  more 
and  more  arrogant  and  stringent  in  their  rediculous 
trade  limitations  until,  when  in  1820,  the  opium  trade 
was  removed,  the  colony  hardly  survived  the  blow. 
In  1880,  the  antire  income  from  customs  was  only  seventy 
thousand  taels  and  there  was  a  population  of  only  five 
thousand  Portuguese  to  contrast  with  the  Chinese  number 
of  thirty  thousand.   The  history  of  this  period  comes 
more  naturally  under  the  treatment  of  the  beginning  of 
English  trade  with  China, inasmuch  as  the  Company&s 
fcupercargbe6  made  their  residence  at  Mac<ajO,and  were 
during  that  time  the  most  important  figures  in  foreign 
trade. 

The  only  events  of  strictly  Portuguese  si gnif- 
icence  were  two  embassies,  one  in  1667,  the  other  in 
1723.   The  embassy  of  1667,  sent  in  the  name  of  Alfonso 
VI ,  on  the  occasion  when  trade  at  Maco  had  been  suspended 


. 


.-:•  . 


11 

cost  the  people  of  that  place  $40,000  arid  availed  them 
so  little  that  they  petitioned  their  very  faithful 
monarch  to  thereafter  allow  them  to  suffer  in  peace. 
Nevertheless,  when  In  1723,  Magaillans  was  returning 
to  China  on  some  mission  from  the  Pope  to  the  Emperor 
Kanghi,  he  was  accompanied  by  Alexander  Me  telle  His 
diplomatic  success  was  limited  to  the  attainment  of  an 
exchange  of  gifts.   In  1T53,  came  the  fifth  and  last. 
It  was  unimportant  and  unavailing. 

It  may  not  be  out  of  place  here  at  the  end  of 
the  account  of  the  first  attempts  to  establish  a  trade 
with  China,  to  present  some  of  the  speculations  as  to  the 
cause  of  the  obstinately  unfavorable  attitude  assumed 
by  the  Chinese,  with  which  all  trading  nations  have  had 
•to  contend.    It  seems  to  be  indubitable  that  this  prej- 
udice against  foreign  trade  was  something  that  grew  up 
after  the  Chinaman  had  had  some  dealings  with  the 
European.   That  is  an  unpleasant  proposition,  and  any- 
thing but  flattering  to  our  own  type  of  civilization, 
but, nevertheless,  it  is  true.   There  is  quoted  in  Davis 


rS 


12 


the  petition  of  a  certain  Fooyuen  of  Canton,  setting 
out  at  length  the  advantages  of  foreign  trade,  and  in- 
tercourse.  As  to  the  change  in  sentiment  there  are 
several  theories.   It  is  true,   as  Davis  points  out, 
that  the  more  stringent  limitations  were  laid  on  after 
the  establishment  of  the  Manchu  dynasty,  and  that  dynasty 
was  undoubtedly  ^alous  lest  its  newly  fastened  yoke 
might  be  losened  by  outside  influence.   But  it  is  just 
as  true  that  the  rascality  and  brutality  of  the  Portu- 
guese themselves,  or  at  least  of  their  early  represen- 
tatives, is  in  a  large  degree  responsible.   Moreover, it 
is  worthy  of  remark,  that  it  was  a  fugitive  from  for- 
eign rule  in  Malacca  who  had  much  to  do  with  the  non- 
success  of  Peres1  mission.   Doubtless  the  fal$  of  India 
as  well  as  Malacca,  and  some  of  their  other  neighbors, 
caused  the  prudent  Chinaman  some  apprehension,  And 
Williams  makes  as  a  final  point  the  fact  that  the  first 
Europeans  to  arrive  in  China  were  Catholics,  firm  in  the 
belief  that  the  "heathen  lands"  were  at  the  disposal  of 


•    > 


■ 


« 


13 

His  Holiness  the  Pope,  who  was  eager  to  reward  his 
faithful  servants. 

II 
The  Spaniards. 

Since  we  are  dealing  with  commercial  relations,  the 
early  relations  of  the  Spaniards,  and  the  Dutch  may  fair- 
ly be  given  baa*- small  notice  here. 

Especially  the  Spaniards.   The  Spaniards  had  un- 
paralled  opportunities  in  the  early  days  to  gain  control 
of  the  trade  of  China,  and  naturally,  neglected  them. 
As  early  as  1543  the  Spanish  admiral,  Legaspi,  con- 
quored  Manilla.    Once  when  a  Chinese  naval  officer 
came  out  looking  for  a  pirate,  and  received  aid  from 
the  Spaniards,  they  were  allowed  t.o  send  back  some 
friars  with  him.  Phillip  II_  ordered  an  ambassy  to  be 
sent  to  Peking.   It  got  itself  shipwrecked  and  generally 
flared  ill.  No  attempts  at  trade  were  made*  although 
Maco  was  open  to  the  Spainards,  as  well  as  to  the  Portuguese 


14 

On  the  contrary,  they  made  it  a  point  to  particularly 
burden  any  trade  which  came  from  China  to  Manilla. 
They  established  a  system  of  imposts  as  unreasoning 
and  suicidal,  as  those  of  China  itself.   It  is  said 
that  a  powerful  Chinaman  having  this  condition  of 
affairs  brought  to  his  notice,  took  care  that  exactly 
the  restrictions  practiced  at  Manilla  should  be  levied 
up 013  all  Europeans  seeking  to  trade  at  Canton,  and  this 
was  the  beginning  of  the  famous  .  oo-Hong.   Davis  (Vol.  I 
p.  26)   is  somewhat  eloquent  on  this  subject: 

"It  has  been  suggested  that  ,  had  bonded  ware- 
houses, with  a  system  of  draw- backs  on  re-exportation 
been  established  at  Manilla,  one  half  of  the  trade  of 
China  might  have  been  established  there  at  present. 
The  heavy  charges  and  vexatious  conduct  of  the  Chinese 
government,  together  with  the  close  monopoly  of  the 
Hong  merchants,  would  have  driven  many  a  ship  from  Canton, 
could  a  neighboring  port  have  been  found  with  a  supply  of 
goods  in  case,of  need.   Formerly,  American  and  English 
ships  often  found  it  convenient  to  stop  at  Manilla 


n 


15 
for  a  cargo  of  rice,  by  the  importation  of  which  to 
Canton,  they  avoided  the  heavy  port  charges;   but  so 
ignorant  is  the  Spanish  government  of  the  commonest 
principles  of  political  economy,  that  rice  is  forbidden 
to  be  exported  from  Luconia  when  its  price  is  above  a 
certain  limit". 

III. 
The  Dutch. 
After  the  Dutch  had  won  their  independence  from 
Spain  they  turned  thsir  attention  to  the  Asiatic  poss- 
essions of  their  ancient  opressors.  Malacca,  the  Spice 
Islands,  and  other  places  having  been  taken,  seventeen 
Dutch  ships  appeared  off  Macao  in  1622.   They  were  def- 
initely repulsed.   This  was,  of  course,  a  movement  on 
the  part  of  the  Dutch  to  get  the  trade  privileges  denied 
them  by  Spanish  and  Portuguese  jealousy.   Their  first 
attempt  in  this  direction,  was  as  early  as  1607.   A  foot- 
hold on  the  mainland  seeming  impossible,  in  1624  they 


■ 


16 
established  themselves  on  the  Pescadores  Islands,  lying 
between  Formosa  and  the  mainland.   Here  they  became 
an  annoyance,  not  only  to  their  European  rivals,  but 
also  to  the  Chinease  authorities.   They  built  a  fort 
and  enslaved  and  ill-treated  the  natives.   The  matter 
was  finally  settled  by  the  sending  of  one  Von  Mildert 
to  Amoy,  and  thence  to  the  governor  of  Fuhkien.   The 
Chinese  offered  to  trade  privileges  on  condition  that 
the-  Dutch  would  remove  to  Formosa.   The  proposition  was 
not  immediately  accepted,  says  Williams,  but  the  fact 
remains  that  in  the  same  year  of  the  establishment  in 
the  Pescadores  Fort  ZeaL&nd, or  Zealandia,was  built,  on 
the  west  coast  of  Formosa.   The  Chinese  had  not  the 
slightest  claim  to  Formosa;   in  fact,  they  hardly  knew 
anything  about  it. 

The  Dutch  extended  their  sway  with  difficulty. 
Religious  teaching  which  was  helping  them,  was  discon- 
tinued (I)   because  the  Japanese  were  at  that  time 
very  inimicial  to  missionary  work, and  their  good  will 

(I)   Williams. 


101    3  . 


. 


IT 

and  their  trade  was  a  matter  of  first  importance  to  the 
Dutch.   Difficulties  were  increased  and  complicated 
by  the  Manffihu  ctpnqsasst .  During  the  ensuing  disorders 

Chinese  in  great  numbers  MuSd  to  Formosa.   The  Dutch 

than 
rather  conciliating  them  tried  to  keep  them  out. 

And  still  the  trade  with  China  remained  trifling 
Probably  this  was  the  main  source  of  discouragement 
to  the  trading  Dutch.    In  1653  Schedel  was  sent  to 
Canton.  He  returned  with  the  suggestion  that  it  would 
be  well  to  send  an  embassy  to  Peking.   Upon  this  the 
Dutch  East  India  Company  saw  fit  to  act,  in  1655  sending 
two  Batavian  .  merchants  ,  Goyer  and  Keyzer.  Nieuhoff, 
the  author  of  "  The  Chinese  Repository"  was  steward  of 
the  Commission.   The  envoys  humiliated  themselves  without 
stint,  and  were  giranfced  the  valuable  privilege  of  sending 
an  embassy  with  four  trading  ships  once  in  every  eight 
years.   Jesuit   influence  is  said  to  have  worked  against 
them.   The  only  practical  result  was  Nieuhoff's  account 
of  the  expedition,  -  which  desseminated  an  amount  of 
information  about  China  and  Chinese. 


• 


. 


• 


( 


9 


18 
About    the    same   time   that    the    Commission  left 
China    (  -165.2  J  ,    began   the  trouble   with  Koshinga. 
The   following  account   of   the    conqueror  is   taken  from 
Davis,    who  has  abridged  it    from  the    second  volume    of 
Nieuhioff's      Chinese   repository, 

Koshinga,    Koxinga,    Ching     Ching-kung,    or 
Kuo-shing  was   the   son  and   successor  of  a   successful 
sea  captain,   who  was   one   of   the  last   to  hold  out  against 
the  Manchus.        When  his  father  went   over  to  the   Tartars , , 
Koshinga  being  in  command   of   the   fleet,   held  true   to  the 
cause    of  the    Chinese.  It  was  because   of   the   hopeless- 

ness  of   this   cause    that  his  eyes  were  turned  upon  Formosa 
Coyet,    the  Dutch  governor, of  that   island,    getting  wind 
of   the    chieftain's  designs,    had  up   twelve   ships  from 
Batavia.       Everything  being  in  readiness   to  withstand  an 
attack,,  Koshinga  was  requested  to  declare  himself  for 
peace    or  for  war.        He  wrote  a  most  lovely  reply,    and 
sent   over  some  merchant   vessels.      The   fleet   sailed  away, 
Coyet  was   called  a  foolish   coward,    and  a  certain  61enk 
started   out   to   succeed  him   (1661).        This  was, of   course, 


■ 


19 
KosMnga*s  moment.       He.     landed  with  twenty  thousamd 
picked  men,    and  threw  four   thousand  into  a  position 
to   cut    communications   between  the   two  forts.        Two 
hundred  and  forty  men  were   sent   out   to  dislodge  him; 
about   one  half   of  whom  returned.      One   ship  was  burned 
by  a  Shine se   fire-raft.  Another  set    out   for  Batavia. 

A  parley  was  held  at  which  Koshinga  said:      "Formosa 
had  always   belonged   to   China;    and  now  that   the  Chinese 
wanted  it,    the   foreigners  must   quit   the    island  immediate- 
ly.     If  not  let   them  ofcly  hoist    the   red  flag." 
In  the  morning  the  red  flag  was  flying. 

Then  follows  a   sdBge    of  nine  months.        Koshinga 
gathered  all   the  Dutch   from  the    surrounding  country. 
He   then  sent  a  certain  *93f  RetVi  Mr.  Hambrocock,    whose 
wife   and  daughters  were  among  the    captives,    to   demand 
the    surrender  of   the   garrison,    threatening  as  an  alter- 
native,   the  massacre      of  all  he  held  prisoners. 
Hambrocock  exhorted  the   besi.-eged   to  keep  up   the   fight, 
saying  the  Koshinga* s  resources  were  giving  out. 


?  30)1 


- 


■ 


20 

He  went  back  to  his  wife  and  daughters  and  delivered 
to  Koshinga  a  message  of  defiance.    All  the  Dutch  male 
prisoners,  some  five  hundred,   were  then  slain.  Nor 
were  the  children  spared,  nor  the  women,  except  those 
whom  the  Barbarians  chose  to  reserve. 

Ten  ships  and  seven  hundred  men  came  from 
Batavia.   The  offensive  was  assumed.  It  is  impossible 
to  say  whether  by  collusion  with  Koshinga  or  not,  the 
governor  of  Fuhien  wrote  to  Koyet  asking  him  to  send 
forces  to  join  with  his  own  to  defeat  Koshinga1 s  men  on 
the  coast,  and  promising  then  to  aid  in  driving  him  out 
of  Formosa.   A  remarkable  piece  of  folly  sent  away  five 
ships.  As  soon  as  they  were  gone,  the  attack  was  re- 
doubled.  Three  of  them  were  lost  at  sea;   the  others 
returned.   A  desertar  pointed  out  to  Koshinga  the  weak 
places  in  the  fortifications.   The  Dutch  surrendered. 
In  this  siege  about  sixteen  hundred  men  lost  their  lives. 
The  evacuation  took  place  in  1662. 

Koshinga  became  an  independent  sovereign,  but  in 
1683  his  grandson  surrendered  Formosa  to  Manchu  dynasty. 


1 


8*1811 

[ 


itt    ill 


21 
Twelve  vessels  were  sent  out  from  Batavia  under 
the  command  of  a  certain  Bortt  who  brought  them  tb  the 
mouth  of  the  river  IQLn,  before  the  end  of  1662.  His 
offer  to  the  Tartar's, of  aid  against  the  Chinese,  seems 
to  have  been  but  suspiciously  accepted, yat  after  leav- 
ing Rashinga  for  some  time,  he  returned  to  Batavia  for 
a  larger  force.   This  aided  the  Man chus materially  in 
the  taking  of  Amos     and  the  complete  subjugation  of 
the  province.   In  return  the  government  had  the  gener'o 
osity  to  loan   Bort  two  jjunks  for  an  expedition  against 
Formosa.   That  captain  took  his  fleet  back  to  Batavia. 

The  counsel  at  that  place  now  thought  the  time 
ripe  for  an  embassy  to  the  Emperor  himself.  Accordingly 
Van  Hoorn  arrived  at  Fu-chau   in  1664.  He  was  fairly 
well  received,  but  his  journey  to  Peking  was  postpones 
until  the  disposal  of  his  cargo.   Meanwhile,  the  Dutch 
seized  upon  a  Chinese  junk  laden  with  bullion  from  Java. 
The  necessity  of  restitution  caused  further  delay.  When 
about  one  year  after  the  arrival  af  Fuchau  Van  Hoorn 


22 
and  his  suite  came  to  Peking  by  way  of  the  river  3JEJUI 

and  across  the  mountains  to  Hangchau,  they  were  com- 
manded to  bang  their  heads  on  the  floor  before  an 
einpty- throne*   They  complied.   They  were  then  told  that 
this  act  of  prostration  caused  their  nation  to  be  en- 
rolled among  the  tributaries  of  the  grand  Khan  and 
that  it  was  the  will  of  their  liege  lord  thaft  they 
should  go  away. 

There  seems  to  have  been  no  further  attempts  at  ' 
diplomatic  correspondence   for  over  a  century. 

It  was  just  after  Macarteney1 s  stiff  3a@cek: 

that 
had  brought  him  apparent  failure^  Van  Braam  consular 

agent  at  Canton,  forgetting  Van  H&ann1  s  experience  came 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  opposite  of  the  English 
envoy1  s  method  would  be  the  successful  one.   Plis  com- 
mission was  therefore  as  humble  and  conciliating  as 
possible.   The  Chinaman  had  lots  of  fun.  Williams 
speaks  thus  of  the  Dutchmen;   "They  were  brought  to  the 
capital  like  malafactors,  treated  when  there  like  beg- 
gars and  then  sent  back  to  Canton  like  mountebanks  to 


trf* 


; 


23 

perform  the  three  times  three  prostration  at.  all  times, 
and  before  everything  their  conductors  saw  fit;   who  on 
their  part  stood  iiy  and  laughed  at  their  embarrassment 
in  making  these  evolutions  in  their  tight  clothes. " 
The  whole  affair  was  disgraceful,  even  allowing  for  the 
prejudice  in  favor  of  the  English  method  which  natur- 
ally affects  Williams  account  of  It.    After  a  skating 
exhibition  which  they  gave  the  emperor  they  were:  sent 
from  his  table  some  broken  meat  on  a  dirty  plate. 
The  commission  which  left  Canton  in  1793  and  returned  in 
April  1.7, '96  was  headed  by  Isaac  Titsing,  Van  Braem 
being  nominally  his  second. 

IV. 
The     English. 
The  English  whose    trading  telatlons  with  China 
are    of  most  importance,    were   late   in     coming.      Not    only 
late   but   severely  handicapped  by  the   ill-will    of   their 
European  fore-runners.  The  Dutch  and   the  Portuguese 

did   their   best  to  keep   them  out  altogether.      Peeling 


. 


24 
themselves  too  weak  to  effect  this  by  direct  means, they 
attempted  it  fcy  prejudicing  the  Chinese.   The  naturally 
healthy  growth  of  Chinese  prejudice  does  not  stand  in 
much  need  of  encouragement,  Dutch  ships  with  English 
pennant  prominently  displayed  Eommitted  acts  of  piracy 
upon  Chinese  trading  vessels,  which  tended  to  undermine 
the  celestial  confidence  in  the  cross  of  St.  George. 
The "treaty  of  defence"  between  England  and  The  Dutch  in 
1615  .  which  took   cognizance  of  the  bitter  rivalry 
seems  to  have  been  ineffectual.  The  hostility  of  the 
Dutch  and  English  traders  continued  until  it.  culminated 
in  the  fearful  massacre  of  Amb<<?/iia  in  1623.  As  for  the 
Portuguese  they  whispered  lies  into  the  ears  of  the 
Mandarins,   which  helped  cause  the  fight  with  the 
river  forts,  at  the  time  of  the   xfti   first  English 
expedition.   Chinese  prejudice  needs  no  encouragement. 

The  beginning  of  "English  intercourse  came 
naturally,  SQXr  through  India  •   Under  the  Charter  of 
1600  the   London  East  India  Company  ftad  established 


25 
a  factory  at  Bantam  , which  became  the  headquarters  for 
trade  with  the  "Eastern  Islands  and  China".   The  first 
attempts  appear  to  have  been  directed  toward  Firando 
and  Tao-wan  and  have  owed  their  failure  entirely  to 
the  determined  hostility  of  the  Dutch.  Weddel's  voyage 
of  1628  though  financially  successful  was  isolated  and 
diplomatically  a  failure.   Arriving  off  Macao  he  found 
it  impossible  to  open  any  official  communication  with 
Canton  and  consequently  determined  to  proceed  up, the 
river.  Meanwhile  the  Mandarins  had  been  busy  strengthen- 
ing the  site  of  the  afterwards  well-known  Bo&ue  Forts. 
Thence  they  fired  upon  ¥eddelfs  ships  with  remarkably 
poor  aim.   The  quaint  account  in  the  Records  of  the 
Company  says  that  the  ships   "did  on  the  sudden  display 
their  bloody  ensigns;  and  weighing  jusk  their  anchors, 
fell  up  with  the  flood  and  berthed  themselves  before 
the  castle  from  whence  came  many  shot  yet.  not  any  that 
touched  so  much  as  hull  or  rope;   whereupon,  not  being 
able  to  endure  their  bravadoes  any  longer  each  ship  began 


;■       ■         ■  . 


E 


■ 


I 


' 


26 
to  play  furiously  upon  them  with  their  broadsides;" 
The  defenee,  or  rather  the  attack  which  had  been,  only 
lasted  a  couple  of  hours,   then  boat  crews  were  landed 
who  found  no  one  to  prevent  them  in  taking  the  artillery 
and  firing  the   Council  house.    Communications  were  then 
opened  and  cargoes  loaded.  But  the  ships  sailed  away 
leaving  ground  for  but  little  friendly  feeling  to  follow 
them.   The  account  quoted  above, lays  the  whole  trouble 
at  the  door  of  "their  perfidious  friends  the  Portugalls". 
To  the  same  account  Davis  credits  the  enormous  port 
charges  made  and  the  hostile  attitude  assumed  towards 
the  Company's  agents  who  made  Macao  a  visit  in  1664. 

This  last  was  the  first  attempt  made  since  Weddelfs 
voyage;   in  the  meantime  the  struggle  between  the  Chinese 
and  their  eventual  conquerors  the  ManManchus  had  pro- 
duced conditions  which  made  trade  practically  impossible. 
The  Company  labored  under  severe  disadvantages,  both  at 
home  and  abroad  during  this  time,  and  had  the  added 
aggravation  of  an  obviously  excellent  opportunity  which 


■ 


. 


1 


I 


27 
it  was  compelled  to  slight.   In  1654  Cromwell,  in  a 
treaty  with  John  IV  of  Portugal,  stipulated  that  the 
ports  in  the  East  controlled  by  each  nation  should  be 
open  to  each.  Not  only  was  there  an  unsettled  condition 
of  affairs  in  China, (1)  but  also  in  England;   and, more- 
over, the  Company  was  crippled  by  a  forced  loan  of 
50,000  -Ibs.to  Cromwell.  (2) 

No  actual  renewal  of  trade  took  place 
until  1870,  when  Koshinga  opened  E-aiuan  in  Formosa  ' 
to  the  English.  (3)   More  privileges  were  here  granted 
the  English  than  is  hitherto  recorded  of  any  European 
traders  in  Chinese  waters.   It  is  probable  that  Koshinga 
or  his  son  introduced  the  English  here  on  account  of 
their  known  lack  of  sympathy  with  the  Dutch.   The  trade 
proved  unprofitable.   On  the  authority  of  Williams,  which 
by  inference  supports  the  idea  that  Koshinga  (or  his 
son)  at  that  time  had  control  of  Amoy,  a  ship  was  sent 

(1)  Davis 

(2)  Danvers 

(3)  Davis,  but  Williams   says  with  Koshinga1 s  son  and 
s#ys  that  trade  with  him  was  also  opened  at  Amoy 


! 
•      •        ! 


•    .        ■  -  ... 

T 


28 
to  that  place  in  3d677  and  q  factory  established  the  next 
year.   Trade  here  was  very  successful,  but  was  discon- 
tinued in  1681,  or  thereabout,  when  the  Tartars  took 
possession  and  began  their  imposition.  The  flates  of  with 
drawal, however, from  Amoy  and  Taiwan  are  somewhat  con- 
fused, it  being  said  "the  company  in  1681, ordered  their 
establishments  in  Formosa  and  Amoy  to  be  withdrawn, and 
a  trade  established, if  possible, at  Canton  and  Hockchuer 
sea  or  Foochow,."  >-Qi  the  same  page  the  author  quotes  from 
a  (I)  despatch  from  Formosa  dated  Dec.  20,1683.   Trade 
was  reestablished  at  Amoy  in  1685. 

About  the  time  of  the  removal  of  trade  from  the 
Amoy  the  Company's  headquarters  were  shifted  from  Bantam 
to  Surat.   Ships  soon  began  to  voyage  directly  from 
England  to  China. 

It  was  in  this  dacade  (1680-1690)  that  the  company 
began  to  make  a  more  systematic  and  sustained  effort  i 
toward  a  Chinese  establishment.  It  was  the  decade 
of  the  Child  control,  and  the  direction  of  his 


be 


■ 


. 


, 


, 


X,  '2    . 


.      : 


T 


, 


■ 


:ed 


29 

ships   toward  China  was  one  of  Sir  Josiah's  hobbies. 
Pie  seemed  to  realize  more  than  any  man  before  him, 
the  immense  potentialities  of  the  China  trade. 

But  the  trade  was  not  to  be  built  up  in  a  day. 
its  grwwth  was  destined  to  be  monotonously  slow, 
and  to  be  retarded  by  monotonously  similar  obstacles. 

The  ship  "Defense"  appeared  at  Canton  in  1689,  and 
the  Hoppo,  or  chief  commissioner  of  customs,  demamded 
the  port-charge  of  tls.  2484.   He  finally  got  tls. 
1500.   Meanwhile,  one  of  the  crew  had  improved  the  time 
by  killing  a  Chinaman.   There  was  instantly  a  row, which 
resulted  in  the  loss  of  several  lives,  but  the  Mandarins, 
fancying  money  more  than  revenge,  announced  that  the 
"Defense",  would  not  be  allowed  to  sail  until  payment  of 
tls.  5000  was  made.   When  they  had  refused  3fex  tls.  2000 
the  captain  weighed  anchor  and  sailed  away.   This  early 
affair  is  an  example  of  the  continually  recurring 
altercations  which  finally  resulted  in  ambassies,  pro- 
tests, and  wars. 

In  October  1700,  a  commission  from  the  English  East 


. 


30 
India  Company  arrived  off  Chusan  in  the  "Eaton"  frigate. 
It  was  found  that  the  Mandarins  dictated  the  prices  of 
both  investments  and  sails. 

It  was  probably  this  same  ship  that  carried  a 
consul's  commission  to  the  chief  supercargo  in  Canton, 
Mr.  C&tchpoole. (l)    This  was  a  curious  episode,  which 
seems  to  have  teen   completely  lost  sight  of  in  later 
years.    The  letter  from  the  Court  of  Directors  to 
Mr.  Catchpoole  reads  as  follows;  (2)  "We  have  obtained 
a  commission  from  his  Majesty  to  constitute  you,  and 
those  v/ho  come  hereafter,  be  appointed  by  us,   as  our 
President  in  China,  to  be  the  King*s  minister,  or  consul 
for  the  English  nation,  with  all  powers  requisite  there- 
unto."   There  is  no  record  of  the  nullification  of 
these  powers.   This  Mr.  Catchpoole,  according  to  Williams 
made  a  number  of  efforts  to  establish  trade  at  Chusan, 
Hingpo,  Amoy  etc.,  but  commerce  had  already  begun  to 
narroY/  down  to  Canton,  and  he  met  with  /little  or  no 
success. 

(1)  Williams 

(2)  Davis. 


' 


, 


, 


31 
at 
The  English^Canton  pegged  away  aid  the  most  un- 
promising and  patience-destroying  task.      At   first   they 
were   compelled   to   conduct  all   their  business   through   one 
man  the    "Emperor's  merchant".        They  called  him  a 
"Monster  in  trade",    but   for  a  long  time,    he  maintained 
control,    farming  out  his  privileges. 

But,    despite   everything,    by  1715  intercourse  had 
become   fairly  regular,    the   supercargoes  lived  and  messed 
together  while   in   Canton,    and     had  formed   themselves 
into  a   Coun.cal.  By  their  united  action,    they  had  even 

routed   the    "Monster",    and  the    outlook  was   brightening 
greatly  when  five    years  later  his  place  was   taken  by  an 
even     more   formidable   foe,    the   co-Hong  of  the   famoss 
Hong  merchants.     This  was  a  monopolistic   organization, 
even  closer  than     the    Council   itself.      Duties,    port- 
charges,    "presents",    etc.,    were  now  heaped  upon  them, to 
such  an  extent, that   in  1727, they   threatened   to  leave    , 
unless   some   of   them  were  lifted.        The  Hoppo  promised 
redress,    and  the  next   year  laid   on  an  extra  ten  percent 
duty. 


. 


32 

Naturally  enough  the  trade  fell  away  under  such 
discouragements,  until  in  1734,  only  one  ship  went  to 
Canton,   Matters  were  improved  somewhat  when, on  the 
accession  of  the  Emperor  Kienlung,  in  1736,  the  ten  per 
cent  duty  was  cancelled.   It  was  on  the  occasion  of 
reading  the  edict  to  this  effect  in  the  Imperial  Hall  of 
Audiance,  that  the  afterwards  serious  question  of  pros- 
trations first  arose.    The  European  traders  unanimously 
and  flatly  refused  refused  to  humiliate  themselves. 

Prom  this  time  to  1753,  the  train  of  events,  although 
interesting  enough,  as,  for  example,  the  visit  of  Commo- 
dore Anson,  in  the  "Centurion"  on  his  circumnavigating 
voyage,  the  trouble  between  the  English  and  French  sai- 
lors, etc.,  had  but  little  bearing  on  the  trade  develop- 
ments. 

At  the  end  of  this  time  we  come  to  the  first  really 
significent  man  whose  name  has  yet  appeared.    That  is 
Mr.  Flint.   Mr.  Flint  first  made  himself  notable  by 
mastering  the  Chinese  language.   At  a  date  variously 


ma 


33 

given  from  1753  to  1755,   Mr.  Flint  was  sent  on  a  miss- 
ion to  try  to  re-establish  the  recently  abolished  fact- 
ory at  Ningpo.   He  made  apparently  a  very  fair  opening 
The  Fooyuen  (deputy-governor)   made  the  greatest  con- 
cession, but  in  doing  so  he  seems  to  have  exceeded  his 
power,  for  when  the  w  Holdernesse"  came  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  them,  an  order  was  received  from  the  Viceroy 
that  she  must  be  subjected  to  the  same  duties  in  force 
at  Canton,  and  that  all  her  arms,  must  be  surrendered. 
The  Fooyuen  could  not  absolutely  disobey,  but  did  the 
next  best  thing  by  sending  the  order  to  Peking  for  cer- 
tification.  In  the  meantime,  however,  he  insisted  on 
half  the  arms  being  surrendered,  and  proved  himself 
faithless  in  his  promise  of  ligbt duties,  placing  them 
even  higher  than  those  prevailing  at  Canton.   More- 
over no  shore-residence  was  permitted.   According  to 
Davis's  account,  the  supercargoes  left  with  the  under- 
standing that  no  more  trade  was  to  be  had,  and  found  on 
arival  at  Macao  an  edict  confining  all  commerce  to  Canton, 
Williams  agrees,  but  Danvers  makes  the  assertion  that 


-  I 


- 


34 
when,  in  1759,  Mr.  Flint  went  out  to  Hingpo  again  to  try- 
to  re-establish  trade,  he  was  on  his  way  before  the 
above  mentioned  edict  was  published.   At  any  rate,  he 
v/ent,  and  found  that  he  could  get  no  hearing.   He  then 
made  up  his  mind  to  proceed  to  Peking  and  appeal  to  the 
Emperor.    An  enterprise  which  the  accredited  and  well 
supplied  embassies  of  nations,  had  and  were  to  find 
beyond  their  powers,  seems  a  bold  undertaking  for  a 
single  unassissted  man,  perhaps,  but  sailing  in  a  native 
vessel  to  Tien-tsin,  he  actually  succeeded  in  getting 
his  petition  to  the  Emperor's  attention.   Moreover, the 
Emperor  thought  favorably  of  it,  and  sent  an  officer 
back  to  eanton  with  Mr.  Flint.   Two  days  after  arrival 
he,  with  the  local  Mandarins,  received  the  foreigners 
and  told  them  that  a  new  Hoppo  had  been  appointed, and 
that  all  charges  had  iceen   abolished,  except  six  per 
cent  on  goods  and  the  "present.  "  or  cumshaw  of  tls.  1950 
for  each  ship. 

This  was  certainly  encouraging.   It  seemed  as  if  the 
merchants  were  at  last  to  experience  rational  treatment. 


35 
They  were  allowed  to  enjoy  this  impression  for  but  very 
few  days.   Then  the  viceroy  sent  for  Mr.  Flint.   The 
Council  not  only  insisted  upon  accompanying  him,  tut  also 
refused  to  enter  one  at  a  time.   Until  they  reached 
the  gate  of  the  inner  court, they  were  courteously 
treated.   Then  they  were  suddenly  seized,  hurried  into 
the  viceroy's  presence  and  thrown  down  by  by  weight  of 
numbers  during  the  struggle  caused  by  a  forcible  at- 
tempt was  made  to  make  them  do  the  kutow.   The  viceroy 
when  they  had  sufficiently  proven  their  obstinacy,  in- 
formed Mr.  Flint  that  he  was  banished  to  Macao,  with 
orders  to  return  to  England  and  stay  there.  He  also 
casually  remarked  that  the  Chinaman  who  had  written 
Mr.  Flint's  petition  was  about  to  be  beheaded.  Mr.  Flint 
was   then  improsoned  near  Macao  at  a  place  called  Casa 
Branca  or  Tsienshan,  from  March  1760  to  Hov.  1762. 
He  was  fairly  well  treated  and  Williams  says,  told  the 
Company  that  a  fee  of  250  lbs.  to  the  viceroy  would  un- 
doubtedly buy  feis  liberty.   But  the  officials  with  re- 
markable appreciation   of  Mr.  Flint's  abilities  and  ser- 
vices, simply  concurred  in  the  protest  made  by 


;.    . 

I 


' 


36 
French,  Dutch,  Swedes  and  Danes,  and.  allowed  the  man 
who,  up  to  that  time,  had  done  more  than  any  other  to 
develop  trade  in  China,  to  be  sent  back  to  England.   It 
is  significant  that  the  Portuguese  did  not  even  protest. 

Their  insolence  remaining  unpunished,  the   Cantonese 
became  more  and  more  unbearable.   The  record  of  the 
years  from  1762  to  1784,  is  simply  a  tale  of  overbear- 
ance,  squabbles,  occasional  free  fights  between  sailors 
and  populace,  diminution  of  trade,  and  every  increasing 
©nmity,  culminating  in  the  noted  "gunner's  case"  in  1784. 
Ships  were  searched  on  the  pretense  that  they  might 
contain  foreign  women  who  were  forbidden.   One  of  his 
Majesty's  ships,  the  "Argo",  Capt.  Af fleet  was  actually 
compelled  to  submit  to  measurement  by  the  Mandarins. 
An  Englishman  named  Scott  having  been   accused  of  the 
murder  of  a  Chinaman,  was  delivered  up  to  thee  threat- 
ening Chinese  authorities  by  the  Portuguese, although  they 
admitted  their  certainty  of  his  innocence.   In  1780  a 
French  sailor  killed  a  Portuguese  in  a  quarrel  and  was 
given  up  by  the  French  minister  to  Chinese  justice.  He 
was  publicly  strangled.   This  was  the  first  instance  of 


( 


' 


■ 


. 


37 

Chinese  authority  being  exercised  to  punish  a  crime 
committed  by  one  foreigner  against  another.   It  estab- 
lished a  most  unfortunate  precident  •   Chinese  ideas 
of  seeking  out  the  truth  of  accusations  were  limited. 
If  one  of  the  foreign  devils  were  killed,  all  the 
better  if  another  could  be  disposed  of.         Affairs 
like  that  of  xk  Captain  Mc  Clary  etc.  will  have  to  be 
brushed  aside,  tempting  as  they  are.   Revenons  a  nos 
moutons. 

In  1767  the  Hong  raised  the  price  of  tea  and 
thereby  increased  the  silk  trade.   Tea  plants 
were  imported  to  Fort  Malborough.   In  the  same  year 
the  Franch  East  India  Company  began  its  two  years  ex- 
istance  in  China. 

In  1770  the  Company  greatly  strengthened  its 
organization  by  arranging  that  its  supercargoes  should 
take  permanent  residence  in  China  instead  of  remaining 
as  heretofore, only  during  the  sailing  season.   This 
enabled  cargoes  to  be  brought  up  during  the  winter. 
(Danvers  follows  this  statement  with  the  remarkable  one 


58 

that  in  the  next  year  the  supercargoes  by  a  payment  of 
tls.  100,000  procured  the  dissolution  of  the  Co-Hang. 
No  other  authority  makes  the  slightest  mention  of  such 
an  occurrance,  and  the   Co-HOng  figured  so  largely  in 
later  times  that  its  abolition  was  one  of  the  stipu- 
lations of  the  treaty  of  Nankin  in  1842.   The  mistake  is 
inexplicable).   In  1778  the  organization  was  further 
increased  by  the  establishment  of  a  Ruling  Committee  of 
which  the  President  was  a  member,  called  the  Select 
Committee.   Later,  1781,  it  was"  altered  to  compose  of 
the  President  and  six  others.   In  1791  &  92,  it  was  aga 
again  changed  upon  the  establishment  of  a  Secret  and 
Superintending  Committee  in  addition,  of  which  the 
President  was  also  a  member. 

The  Company  in  fact  being  the  only  English  or- 
ganization, began  to  arrogate  to  itself  control  of  all 
Englishmen  in  China  whether  employes  of  the  Company,  or 
not.   A  test  case  arose  in  1780,  that  of  Mr.  George 
Smith,  it  was  decided  that  the  Council  was  authorized 
to  send  away  from  China  any  private  citizen  of  whose 


, 


. 


I 


39 
presence  they  disapproved,  (l) 

But  some  of  this  is  rather  in  the  nature  of  antic- 
ipation.  In  1784  there  occurred  bnt  an  accident  not 
very  much  unlike  many  other s/  but  important  in  its 
results.   This  was  the  "gunners  case".   The  "Lady 
Hughes"  a  country  ship  (2)  in  firing  a  salute,  acci- 
dentally hit  a  chop-boat  and  injured  three  Chinamen, 
one  of  whom  died   The  gunner  who  fired  the  gun, terri- 
fied at  the  probable  results  of  his  carelessness,  took 
refuge  in  the  Company's  Factory,  A  wuyuen   or  deputed 
Mandarin  demanded  his  surrender,  of  the  chief  of  the 
factory,  Mr,  Pi g.osa,  saying  the  man  was  evidently  innocent 
but  that  he  must  be  examined,  Mr.  Pigan  said  he  had  no 

objections  if  her  were  examined  in  the  factory.   Two  days 

one 
later  the   wuyuen    reappeared  with  ^ankhegua  and 

the  same  demand.   The  "Lady  Highes"  was  not  a  Company 
vessel  but  Mr.  Pi^u  said  that  he  would  do  what  he  could 
to  get  Mr.  Smith  her  supercargo  to  produce  him  for  ex- 
amination in  the  factory.  At  first  the  Chinese  maintained 


OBl 


- 


40 

that  the  examination  must  take  place  regularly  before 

Fooyuen,  of  the  city,  but  finally  pretended  to  agree. 

They  then  took  the  first  opportunity  to  kidnap  Mr,  Smith, 

barracad   the  avenues  leading  to  the  river  and  cut  off 

Whampoa.   The  matter  was  finally  arranged  by  giving  up 

the  gunner  to  be  tried  in  Mr,  Smiths  place.  Kim  they 

kept  awhile  and  then  incontinently  strangled. 

It  was  this  outrage  together  with  the  large  sums  of 

money  owed  by  the  Hong  merchants  to  the  Company, and 

the  desire  to  build  up  a  tea  trade  that  led  to  the 

determination  upon  an  Embassy. 

set  out 
Accordingly  in  1787,  an  Embassy  headed  by 

the  Hon.  Lieut.  Col.  Cathcart  in  H.  M.  S.  Vestal,  but 

by  the  time  it  had  reached  the  Sunda  Strait  (between 

Sumatra  and  Java)  its  leader  died  and  the  vessel  put 

back  to  England. 

January  12,  1792  Mr.  Pitt  informed  the 

Directors  that  Lord  Macartney  was  to  be  sent  on  a  mission 

to  China.   The  Directors  do  not  seem  to  have  been 


I< 


. 


1 


* 


41 

enthusiastic  .They  expressed  their  doubts,  but  voted 

30,000  lbs.  toward  expenses. 

Sir  George  Staunton,  who  accompanied  Lord 

Macartney,  as  Secretary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary 

in  his  absence,  gives  a  three  volume  account  of  the 

mission.   It  includes   "notice  of  the  several  places 

amff 
where  they  stopped,  on  the  way  outAhome;   being  the 

Islands  of  ;$a$ie^3,   leneriff  and  St.  Jago;   the 

Port,  of  Rio  de  Janiero,  in  South  America,  the  Islands 

of  St  Helena,  etc.  etc.",  but,  nevertheless,  is  not 

entirely  devoid  of  some  useful  information.  Winterbotham 

another  contemporary  authority,  who  made  a  volume  on 

China  out  of  his  experiences  with  the  Embassy,  gives 

a  very  unsatisfactory  account  of  the  business  of  the 

Mission. 

Staunton  brings  out  very  clearly  that  it  was 

not  entirely  the  desire  to  straighten  out  the  troubles 

of  Canton,  to  arrange  the  debts  owed  by  the  Hong     (I) 

merchants,  and  to  assert  the  injured  dignity  of  the 


J> 


; 


42 

(  I)   Macpherson  "History  of  Commerce"  Vol.  Ill,   p.  655 
gives  the  following  foot-note: 

"  A  letter  from  Canton,  dated  15th  January  1780 
states  the  amount  of  the  debt  to  be  3,8o8,075  dollars; 
the  memorial  of  the  agents  of  the  dreditors  in  1778 
stated  it  to  be  1,000,000  lbs;   and  Mr.  Smith's  account 
of  the  debts  raised  the  total  to  2,025,863  lbs.  sterling? 

Considering  the  high  reputation  for  commercial 
probity,  which  the  Chinese  now  seem  to  enjoy,  this 
was  rather  a  remarkable  state  of  affairs. 


43 
English   crown  that  was  the  occasion  of  the  mission, 

but  that  tea  was  an  important  factor.   Tea  was  becoming 

such  a  popular  beverage  in  England  that  England  could 

not  afford  to  be  on  ill  terms  with  the  source  of  supply. 

The  Embassy  apparently  accomplished  nothing. 

Although  Macartney  found  the  old  Emperor  intelligent 

and  well  disposed,  the  Colao  and  the  other  jealous 

ministers  effectually  blocked  all  attempts  to  speak  of 

business.    On  the  whole,  the  foreigners  were  treated 

with  great  courtesy.   Macarteney  in  the  velvet  scarf 

of  a  Knight  of  the  Bath,  and  Staunton  in  the  scarlet 

Laws 
rob©  of  an  Honorary  Doctor  of  which  costumes  Staunton 

explains  were  worn  as  a  concession  to  the  Chinese  dislike 

of  tight  fitting  clothes  -  together  with  the  magnificent 

silks  of  the  court,  must  have  presented  a  dazzling 

spectacle.   The  whole  importance  of  the  mission,  and 

it  is  not  slight, as  may  seem,  may  be  summed  up  in  the 

two  facts  that  when  Macarteney  approached  the  throne, 

instead  of  doing  the  heretofore  indispensible  KutQW, 


44 
he  merely  sank  on  one  knee  in  the  manner  customary  before 
an  European  sovereign,  and  that  the  Emperor  accepted 
his  casket  of  presents  with  his  qwo.    .hdnd.   Trivial 
as  these  points  may  seem,  they  do  not  lack  significance. 
Some  dignity,  for  the  first  time,  was  conceded  to  a 
European  visitor.   The  quiet  prevailing  at  Canton  for 
some  years  later  (first  broken  by  the  Providence  affair 
in  1800  ),  goes  to  prove  that  even  from  a  purely  mate- 
rial point  of  view,  Macarteney's  efforts  were  not 
ineffectual. 


Note.-  For  the  train  of  events  from  here  on  through 
Amherst's  Mission,  the  events  leading  up  to  the  Opium 
War,  and  the  account  of  that  war  itself,  with  its  imme- 
diate results,  see  the  companion  thesis  by  Lewis  S.  Palen 
This  account  re- commences  with  the  year  1847. 


— 


PART      II. 
From  1847   through  the  Exchange   of  ratifications 
at  Peking,   Hovember   5th,    1860. 


45, 
Part   II. 

Chapter  1* 

Prom  1847  to  arrival  of  Lord  Elgin,  July  6,185  7. 

The  Treaty  of  Naniin  would  seem  to  have  put 
affairs  in  China  on  the  highroad  to  peaceful  and  natural 
development.    So  it  would  have,  had  its  terms  been 
honestly  and  literally  fulfilled.   But  the  Chinese, 
though  famous  for  commercial  probity,  took  long  to 
learn  anything  like  good-faith  in  diplomatic  matters. 
Canton,  in  spite  of  the  express  terms  of  the  treaty, 
was  not  made  free  of  access.   The  English  authorities 
in  Hong  Kong  were  not  allowed  %x>   uninterrupted  aiid  direct 
communication  with  the  Chinese  authorities  in  Canton. 
These  points  after  all  are  the  ones  to  be  remembered. 
They  relate  to  matters  of  principle.   The  outrages  and 
insults  leading  to  the  somewhat  inadequate  climax  of 
the   "Arrow"  affair,  provoking,  even  maddening,  as  some 
of  them  were,   were  incidents  which  allowed  of  indi- 
divual  redress. 

Nevertheless,  they  must  be  followed  through,  as 
in  every  case  they  form  the   causae  proximae,  and  give 


.  1     II 


•1 

Bel 

■ 

■ 
i    .  ■     ' 

-  .  ,10 

- 


46 


immediate  excuse  of  the  recourse  to  arms. 

In  March  1847,  a  party  of  gentlemen  (among 
them  an  officer  of  the  Royal  Artillery)  was  attacked 
while  on  a  excursion  up  the  Canton  river.   Sir  John 
Davis  was  governor  of  Hong  Kong.   On  previous  occa- 
sions his  demands  to  Keying,  the  Chinese  governor, 
commissioner  or  viceroy  at  Canton,  for  redress  of  simil- 
ar outrages,  had  met  with  indifference  or  rudeness. 
This  time  he  seems  to  have  had  instructions  from  home. 
A  dispatch  ordered  him  to  demand  the  instant  punishment 
of  the  mob  leaders  and  intimated  to  the  Chinese  author- 
ities that,**  if  "they  would  not  fcy  tha  exacfcise  of 
their  own  power,  punish  and  prevent  such  outrages,  the 
British  government  would  he   obliged  to  take  the  matter 
into  their  own  hands,  and  it  would  not  be  their  fault, 
if  in  such  case, the  innocent  were  involved  in  the 
punishment  sought  to  be  inflicted  on  the  guilty."   (I) 

(I)    Davis,   Vol.  II_,  P.  169. 


. 


47 
Y/hich  intimation  when  conveyed  to  Keying, produced  no 
effect.      Sir   John  therefore  determined  to   send  a  military 
expedition  to   Canton,    to   bring  Keying  to  his  senses. 

On  the  3rd  of  May  the  English  merchants  drew  up  a 
list   of  their  demands  which  ran  as  follows:    recognition 
of  the  right   to  make  one  day  trips,  coming  and  going,  into 
the  country;    fifty  acres   for  ware-houses  and  dwellings;    a 
site  for  a  church  and  churchyard;    a  burial-place  for  the 
Parsees    (who  were   the  rich  opium  merchants   of  Hong  Kong)  ; 
a  bridge   to   connect   the  two   factory  gardens;   a   cook-house 
for  Lasearg;    the  railing  in  of  lower  China  Street, and  the 
freedom  of   the  garden  walls  from  Chinese  buildings;    and 
the  removal   of  the  stationary  boats  which   encumbered  the 
river  approaches     to   the  factory  gardens.      (I) 

To   enforce   these   demands,    Gen.    d'Aguilar, 
commanding  the  troops  at  Hong  Kong,   with  the   squadron 
under  the     command  of     Captain  M'Dougal,      proceeded 
up    the  Canton  river,    taking  every  fort  on     the 

(I)  An.   Reg.   1847. 


• 


48 

ray  to  Canton,  without  the  loss  of  a  man,  and,  indeed, 
with  very  little  fighting.   He  destroyed  all  the  ammu- 
nition he  found,  and  spiked  the  guns  (  about  875  ) . 
The  negotiations  entered  into  were  perfectly  satisfactory 
and  the  expedition,  entirely  successful,  returned  to 
Hong  Kong  on  the  eighth  day  after  starting, 

Nevertheless,  when  an  the  5th  of  December  of  the 
same  year,  another  party  of  gentlemen  went  up  the  river, 
they  came  to  a  village  called  Hmng-chu-kee ,  which  had 
posted  declarations  that  if  any  J£isr«i  -tse,  (foreign 
devils)  came  thither,  it  would  slay  them  and  their  guides 
This  word  was  kept.   The  mutilated  bodies  were  not 
recovered  until  several  days  later.   On  the  12th  Sir 
John  Davis  came  up  from  Hong  Kong.   On  the  20th  four  of 
the  criminals  (  the  manner  of  whose  identification  to 
the  foreigners  is  not  explained)  were  executed  in  the 
presence  of  the  British  officials. 

As  recompense  for  his  decisive  actions  Sir 
John  Davis  was  succeeded  by  Mr.  (afterwards  Sir  George) 
BojJham,  as  Plenipotentiary  in  1848,  Lord  Russel's 


.%:.-. 


:y- 


49 
cabinet  was  alrarmed  at  Davis  somewhat  high-handed  pro- 
ceedings in  the  previous  year.   The  Colonial  Secretary, 
Earl   Gr&y,  reversing  Lord  Palmers ton's  policy,  "peremp- 
torily forbad  any  further  offensive  operations  to  be 
undertaken  against  the  Chinese  without  the  previous 
sanction  of  the  government.   These  instructions  Bonham 
carefully  followed.    Only  once  in  1852,  when  Dr. (after- 
wards Sir  John)  Bowring  was  temporarily  promoted  from 
his  consulship  at  Canton  to  act  for  Bonham  in  his  ab- 
sence, was  any  mo#e  made  toward  insi stance  on  the  right 
of  access  to  Canton.   He  wrote  at  length  to  Lord  Clarendon 
(  19  Apr.  1852  )   (I)    The  only  result  was  a  rebuke 
from  the  Foreign  Secretary  Lord  Malmesbury  who  simply 
told  him  to  "avoid  all  irritating  discussions  with  the 
Chinese"  and  abstain  from  mooting  the  question  of  the 
rights  of  British  subjects  to  enter  into  the  city  of 
Canton."  (2)   But,  as  Lane-Poole  remarks,  "  Bowring 
did  not  change  his  opinion;  he  merely  postponed  its 
execution. 


(1)  Text. given  in  Lane-Poole  Vol.  I  p.  161  from 
PaEl. Papers  1857  (C.  1173)  P.  3  -  9 

(2)  Same  Pari.  Papers  1857  (  C.  2173)  P.  10 


- 


■...-. 
1 

■  : 


■ 


50 

Therefore,  when,  early  in  1854,   Bowring  received  from 

Lord  Clarendon, now  became  Foreign  Secretary,  a  dispatch 
containing  the  following  passages,  it  was  evident  that 
BowringTs  opportunity  had  arrived.   The  dispatch  in- 
formed him  of  his  appointment  as  Plenipotentiary  and 
Chief  Superintendent  of  British  Trade  in  China,  and  by 
way  of  instruction  said  "There  are  unquestionably  points 
which  it  would  be  desirable  to  secure  ,  and  to  which 
we  have  even  a  right  by  treaty;   and  among  these  I 
would  mention  free  and  unresrtrained  intercourse  with 
the  Chinese  authorities  and  free  admission  into  some  of 
the  cities  of  China,  especially  Canton."   (I)  With  this 
encouragement  Bowring  immediately  began  a  correspondence 
with  Commissioner  Yen > Viceroy    Governor  at  Canton, 
which  led  to  nothing.   The  excuse  for  this  action  did 
not  have  to  be  long  awaited.   It  came  with  the  famous 
"Arrow  affair." 

So  heated  was  the  controversy  to  which  this  matter 
led  that  it  is  very  difficult  to  find  out  just  what  the 


51 

facts  were.  However,  they  sift  down  to  something 

like  these  (I) 

two 
According  to  a  colonial  ordinance^  ships  owned 

by  British  subjects  were  required  to  be  enregistered 

yearly.   The   Colonial  Legislature  of  Hong  Kong  moreover 

took  it  upon  itself  to  grant  registers  to  Chinese  ship 

owners  whom  it  chose  to  consider  as  quasi-naturalized 

because  they  had  become  tenants  of  crown  lands.   This 

quite  contrary  to  English  law  which  required  that  if  a 

ship  would  receive  the  protection  of  the  English  flag, 

it  must  not  only  be  owned  by  a  British  subject,  but  also 

that  a  certain  proportion  of  its  crew  must  be  composed 

of  English  British  subjects. 

The  "Arrow"  a  small  vessel  described  as  a  "Lorcha" 

(1)  This  account  taken  mainly  from  the  Annual  Register 
for  1856.  The  succeesing  volume  contains  a  recapitula- 
tion which  is  simply  a  defense  of  the  action  taken 

by  the  English  authorities. 

(2)  Quoted  An.  Reg.  1856 


52 

was   owneeL  by  a  Chinese  resident  of  Hong  Kong.   It  was 
commanded  by  an  Englishman,  but  its  entire  crew  of  fourteen 
&&,  consisted  of  Chinamen.  Nevertheless,  in  accordance 
with   custom,  it  had  been  granted  a  British  register, 
which  expired  Sept.  26th,  and  flew  the  English  flag. 
On  the  8th  of  October  1856,  while   lying  at  Canton, she 
was  suddenly  boarded  by  Chinese  officials  in  search  of 
a  native  pirate.   Whether  her  English  master  was  at  the 
time  on  board,  and  whether  the  English  flag  was  flying, 
are  mooted  questions;   but  the  weight  of  evidence  seems 
to  be  that  the  flag, at  least, was  flying  and  was  pulled 
down  by  the  officials.   All  of  her  crew  but  two  were 
seized  and  imprisoned. 

Mr.  Parker,  British  Consul  at  Canton,  as  soon 
as  he  heard  of  the  matter  went  to  the  junk  containing 
the  prisoners  and  demanded  that  they  be  brought  to  the 
Consulate  for  examination.   This  being  refused,  he  wrote 
a  similar  demand  to  Commissioner  Yeh, Vice-roy,  or 
Governor  at  Canton,  and  dispatched  the  news  to 


:o  ve- 


iw 


rtt  nO 


to.  rio 


n 


.t&n  B 


. 


53 
Sir.  John  Bowring,  the  British  governor  at  Hong  Kong. 
Bowring  wrote  back,  "It  appears  on  examination 
that  the  Arrow  had  not  right  to  hoist  the  British  flag;-- 
But  the  Chinese  had  no  knowledge  of  the  license;  -  -  - 
you  will  inform  the  Imperial  Commissioner  that  I  require 
an  apology  for  what  has  taken  place  and  an  assurance 
that  the  British  flag  shall  in  the  future  be  respected; 
that  forty-wight  hours  are  allowed  for  this  communication 
which  being  passed,  you  are  instructed  to  call  on  the 
naval  authorities  to  assist  you  in  forcing  redress."  (I) 

Bowring  than  wrote  to  Yeh.  "whatever  repre- 
sentations may  have  been  made  to  your  Excellency, there 
is  no  doubt  that  the  Lorcha  Arrow  lawfully  bore  the 
British  flag  under  a  register  granted  by  me  &c.  "  (2) 
which  does  not  well  accord  with  his  own  admission  to 
Parkeis,  that  the  register  had  expired.   Yeh  in  his  reply 
stated  that  no  foreigner  was  seen  on  the  vessel  when  it 


(1)  An.  Reg.  1856,  full  text  given 

(2)  Same, full  text  given. 


. 


B    OB 


3  -i   At)  ■ 


'     ' 


I 


oJ    J 


■ 


-    ' 


-, 


54 
was  boarded  nor  was  the  English  flag  visible.  He  also 
protested  generally  against  the  issuance  of  registers 
to  Chinese  owners. 

It  being  made  evident  that  Yen  would  make  no 
reparation  unless  there  was  some  display  of  force, 
Bowring  called  upon  Admiral  Sir  Michael  Seymour  to 
seize  a  Chinese  junk.   This  proving  insufficient,  H.  M. 
S.   Coromandel  and  a  squadron  of  gun  boats  proceeded 
to  take  a  number  of  the  fortifications  below  Canton, 
and  to  bum  some  buildings.   On  the  25th  Oct.  the  Dutch 
Folly  Port,  on  an  island  opposite  the  city  was  taken. 
Commissioner  Yeh  then  becamse  more  amenable  to  reason. 
He  offered  to  surrender  all  of  the  men  except  two  whom 
he  claimed  as  pirates.   He  then  sent  them  all  back  with 
the  demand  that  the  pirates  be  immediately  returned. 
The  re turn, however,  was  made  quietly  and  with  a  careful 
avoidance  of  anything  like  the  appearance  of  apology. 
Mr.  Parker  refused  to  receive  the  men, saying  that  they 
must  be  returned  to  the  Arrow  as  publiely  as  they  had 
been  removed, and  that  Yeh  must  offer  an  apology. 


.    ,   ■ 


oiq 


, 


55 

From  this  point  the  Arrow  episode  ceases  to  be  the 
important  issue.   It.  ceased  to  be  such  at.  the  moment 
Sir  John  Bowring  instructed  Mr.  Parked  to  write  Yeh 
the  additional  demand  that  all  foreign  representatives 
be  allowed  the  same  free  access  to  Canton  as  was  en- 
joyed at  the  other  four  treaty  ports.  The  claim  was 
justly  enough  based  on  the  treaties  and  conventions 
beginning  with  the  Treaty  of  Nankin,  but  it  is  doubtful 
whether  the  moment  was  well  chosen  for  insi stance  upon 
it.   The  provocative  cause  was  not.  openly  replaced  by 
the  underlying  one. 

This  was  soon  realized,  even  by  those  actively 
concerned.   Mr.  Parke©  declared  it  plainly,  when  in 
an  interview  with  the   Canton  merchants  on  November  15th, 
he  said  that  if, "simple   reparation  for  the  outrage  in 
the  Arrow  case  had  been  all  we  required, the  Admiral 
would  doubtless  have  been  long  ago  satisfied  with  what 
had  been  done,  but  that  a  principle  was  at  stake  which 
could  not  be  abandoned." 


TW    0 


V 


TXOO 


' 


- 


56 
The  demand  being  made  upon  Yeh,  was  completely 
ignored.   Therefore  Admiral  Seymour  on  the  21st  opened 
fire,  shelling  some  of  the  government  buildings (among 
them  Yen's  residence)  and  a  body  of  Chinese  troops, 
which  took  position  on  some  rising  ground  in  the  rear 
of  the  city.  Yeh  offered  a  reward  of  thirty  dollars 
for  the  heads  of  Englishmen.   On  the  29th  a  breach  was 
made  in  the  walls  and  a  body  of  marines  and  sailors 
succeeded, with  small  loss,  in  blowing  up  the  city  gate. 
The  city  was  then  ^entered  and  Yen's  house  taken  poss- 
ession of,  but  the  troops  were  withdrawn  at  sunset. 
Yeh  was  invited  to  a  conference,  but  refused.   On  the 
3rd  of  November  the  attack  was  renewed,  more  government 
buildings  being  destroyed,  while  on  the  5th  a  large  fleet 
of  war  junks  lying  under  the  protection  of  the  French 
Folly  Fort,  was  destroyed  and  the  fort  silenced. 
Seymour's  demand  upon  the  Bogue  Forts  met  with  the 
answer  from  the  commanding  mandarin  that  surrender  would 
mean  for  him  decapitation,  so  he  preferred  to  fight. 
These  forts  mounting  four  hundred  or  more  guns,  were 


' 


. 


■ 


a    ' 


. 


M 


; 


Off 


blij 


i<NB 


, 


57 

taken  on  the  same  and  the  next  day.   One  boy  was  killed 
and  four  men  wounded.  During  the  engagement  the  Chinese 
fired  upon  an  American  man-of-war's  boat.   Commodore 
Armstrong  silenced  the  fort  from  which  the  shot  came, 
before  he  saw  it  was  an  accident.    The  last  consider- 
able event  of  the  year  (1856)  was  the  burning  of  the 
foreign  factories  at  Canton.  Admiral  Seymour  had  assumed 
a  defensive  attitude  while  waiting  for  reinforcements. 

It  may  now  be  well  to  take  a  glance  back 
at  the  reflex  afction  of  the  various  events  just  recorded 
in  England  (I)    Sir  John  Bowrin&  in  beginning  hostili- 
ties had  undertaken  a  heavy  responsibility.  He  had 
neither  appealed  to  the  Emperor  for  redress  nor  waited 
for  instructions  from  the  Foreign  Office  at  home.   It  was 
toward  the  close  of  1856,  before  the  home  government 
got  the  particulars  of  the  events  in  China.   By  the 
beginning  of  1859  the  press  and  the  people  had  thoroughly 
taken  the  matter  up,  and  for  the  most  part,  expressed 
unfavorable  opinions  of  the  decision  and  severity  with 
which  Bowring  had  acted.   On  the  5th  of  November  in  the 


X'l)      Following  from  Dodd. 


ei  ,  T         -      ■  tJtl 


. 


■ 

1 


58 
House  of  Lords  the  Earl  of  Ellenborough  asked  for  in- 
formation concerning  the  real  status  of  the  lorcha 
"Arrow"   Avoiding  this  question,  the  Earl  of  Clarendon 
excused  the  summary  proceedings  of  Bowring  on  the 
ground  that  his  instructions  had  been  "to  bear  in  mind 
the  desirableness  of  obtaining  that  free  access  to  Chinese 
ports  which  was  mentioned  in  the  treaty,  and  more  par- 
ticularly as  regards  Canton."    Parliament  divided 
on  the  question  ■whether  Bowring' s  methods  were  justi- 
fiable. Bowring  having  been  appointed  by  the  Whigs, 
was  attacked  mainly  by  the  Conservatives.   Clarendon 
supported  Bowring  nobly,  dispatching  his  approval  and 
his  opinion  that  the  "Arrow"  was  a  British  vessel, 
under  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  and  later  his  approval 
of  the  forcible  entry  of  Yen's  house  and  his  congratu- 
lations to  Bowring,   Seymour  and  Parke s,  upon  their 
moderation.   The  ministry  was  thus  thoroughly  committed. 
Nevertheless,  on  the  24th  of  February,  1857,  the 
Earl  of  Derby  introduced  in  the  House  of  Lorfls  resolutions 


69 

beginning  "that  this  House  has  heard  with  deep  regret, 
the  interruption  of  amicable  relations  between  her 
Majesty1 s  subjects  and  the  Chinese  authorities  in  Canton, 
arising  out  of  the  measures  adopted  by  her  Majesty's 
chief  superintendent  of  trade,  to  obtain  reparation  for 
alleged  infractions  of  the  Supplementary  Treaty  of  the 
8th  of  October,  1843"  etc.  etc.,  continuing  in  the 
same  tone.   Through  the  efforts  of  the  ministry, this 
measure  was  defeated  by  a  vote  of  146  -  110.  But, despite 
all  that,  the  ministry  a  jssx   similar  set  of  resolutions 
introduced  intfc  the  House  of  Commons  by  Mr.  Cobden  was 
passed  on  the  3rd  of  March.  Lord  Palmerston  immediately 
appealed  to  the  country  by  dissolving  Parliament  and 
calling  for  a  new  one.   In  the  meantime,  he  named 
regiments  to  be  sent  out  under  the  command  of  Gen. 
Ashburnam,  appointed  Lord  Elgin  as  Plenipotentiary  with 
large  powers  and  arranged  for  joint  action  with  Prance. 
Palmerston^  defense  of  his  absent  subordinate  proved 
popular  and  the  new  Parliament  supported  him. 


. 


To 


rftlw 


60 
To  return  to  China.   Seymour  had  remained  on 
the  defensive  and  nothing  save  the  usual  outrages  had 
occurred';   In  the  latter  part  of  1856,  a  party  of 
disguised  Chinese  soldiers  had  taken  possession  on 
board  the  small  steamer  "Thistle"  plying  between  Canton 
and  Hong  Kong,  killed  the  eleven  Europeans  on  board, 
ran  her  aground,  set  her  on  fire,  and  escaped.   In  March 
1857  an  attempt  was  made  through  the  bakeries  supplying 
Hon  Kong  at  a  wholesale  poisoning  of  the  European  in- 
habitants with  arsenic.   It  failed  only  because  the 
arsnic  was  mixed  with  the  dough  in  such  large  quantities 
that  it  gave  notice  of  its  presence  in  time  to  take 
emetics.   Sir  John  Bowring  speaks  of  this  attempt  as 
a  "mode  of  warfare." 

The  military  policy  from  defensive,  became  one 
of  withdrawal.  As  early  as  January  1857,  it  was  con- 
cluded that  the  English  force  was  too  small  to  hold  all 
the  positions  taken,  so  all  the  troops  were  concentrated 
at  a  place  called  the "Gardens" and  at  the  Dutch  Polly. 


• 


, 


DO 


- 


■ 


61 

Then  the  suburbs  were  fired  and  the  Gardens  and  tthe 
Gardens  deserted  in  favor  of  the  Bird's  Nest  Port. 
Finally,  the  whole  upper  part  of  the  river  was  abandoned 
and  the  troops  concentrated  at  the  Teatotum  Fort 
near  the  Macao  passage.   Commissioner  Yeh  was  elated 
He  issued  an  elaborate  schedule  of  rewards  for  the 
capture  or  destruction  of  the  "  red-haired  foreign 
dogs",  their  vessels,  and  any  who  might  aid  them. 

It  was  time  for  a  display  of  force.  Accordingly 
on  the  morning  of  the  25th  of  May  1859,  Commodore  George 
A.  Elliott  with  a  force  of  gun  boats  steamed  up  in  to 
the  most  northerly  of  the  four  creeks  running  into  the 
Canton  River  from  the  east.   The  major  part  of  a 
large  number  of  junks  anchored  here  escaped  through 
their  lightness  of  draught.   The  next  day  Elliott  took 
the  boats  and  after  a  twelve  mile  row  suddenly  rounding 
a  curve  found  himself  before  a  large  town  called  Tang- 
koon,  protected  by  a  fleet  and  batteries.   The  Chinese 
were  so  taken  by  surprise  that  the  English  were  enabled 
to  destroy  all  the  junks  before  the  fire  of  the  batteries 


lie  tit 


62 
became  hot  enough  to  force  them  to  retire. 

On  3Tune  1st  Admiral  Seymour  on  board  the 
"Coromandel"  led  the  squadron  of  gun  boats  against 
Hyacinth  Island  which  the  Shinese  believed  to  be 
impregnable  because,  before  the  junks  could  be  reached 
it  was  necessary  to  mount  a  hill  in  face  of  their  guns. 
This  the  English  did  and  also  boarded  the  junks.   They 
then  proceeded  to  a  place  where  twenty  junks  lay  moored 
In  order  to  reach  them  it  was  necessary  to  go  through  ' 
a  passage  narrowing  to  a  funnel  where   there  was  not 
water  to  carry  two  boats  abreast.   Capt.  Henry  Kippel 
attempted  to  take  his  boats  through.   The  first  time  the 
fire  was  so   tremendous  that  he  was  forced  back,  but 
the  next  time  he  went  through  and  pursued  the  junks, 
to  the  towns  of  Fat-shan,  destroying  all  but  three. 
Elliott  then  withdrew.   "Next  morning",  says  the  Times 
correspondent,  an  eye-witness,  "as  we  passed  down  the 
river,  two  war  junks  appeared  three  miles  astern, 
and  fired  a  gun.   They  were  chftsing  the  barbarian  fleet  !  w 


. 


63 

Chapter  II. 
From  the  beginning  of  Elgin's  first  mission 
to  Treaty  of  Tien-tsin. 

Lord  Elgin  upon  his  arrival  immediately 
became  the  central  and  commanding  figure.   It  is  there- 
fore necessary  to  take  into  consideration  all  that 
affected  his  position  and  his  policy.   On  the  way  out, 
at  Galle,  in  Ceylon,  he  met  Gneral  Ashbumam  proceeding 
to  his  post  in  China  from  Bombay.   He  brought  the  news 
of  the  outbreak  in  the  northern  provinces  of  India. 
He  knew  enough  of  what  had  happened  at  Delhi  and  Meerut, 
to  make  it  evident  to  the  Plenipotentiary  that  his 
mission  to  China  would  probably  be  very  much  affected. 
About  a  week  was  spent  at  Singapore,  during  which  time 
Elgin  arranged  for  the  diversion  of  the  Chinese  expiedltion 
ary  force  to  India.   Ships  were  sent  to  the  Straits  of 
Attgia*, ,  Sunda  Straits, to  send  back  the  90th  and  82nd 
regiments;  and  the "Simoonf  which  arrived  with  the  5th 
Fusileers  was  immediately  re-despatched  to  Calcutta. 
It  soon  became  evident  on  arrival  at  Hong  Kong, that  no 


■101 


. 


siiev. 


64 

diplomatic  measures  could  be  effective  without  the  back- 

of 
ing  force.   Since  the  force  had  been  diverted  to  India 

A 

and  an  inactive  residence  at  Hong  Kong  would  injure  the 
prestige  of   the  mission.-,    Lord  Elgin  determined  to  leave 
for  Calcutta,   where  his   ship   the   "Shannon"   and  Captain 
Peel's   seamen  and  marines  might   be  of  use.      Gsneral 
Ashburnam  also  returned  to   China  and  offered  his  serv- 
ices to   Canning  and  Sir  Colin  Campbell.     But    events 
in  Inida  are   outside   the  province  of  this   essay. 
Suffice  it   to   say, that  Lord  Elgin  received  word  that  the 
China  force  would  be  replaced  by  fifteen  hundred  marines 
and  returned   to  Hong  Kong  on   the  20th   of   Sept.        (I) 

On  the  14th   of  October  1857,    Baron  Gros,    a  diplomat- 
ic  of  great  experience  and  reputation,    arrived  accredited 
as  Plenipotentiary  for  France.     The  Admiral  Rigault  de 
Genuilly  with  the  French  fleet  had  proceeded  him. 
Count     Putiatine  came  by  the  way  of   the  trans-Asiastic 
route  from  Russia.     He  had  been  refused  admission  to  Peking 

(I)      Foregoing  from  Oliphant. 


I 

; 


_.  65 
Mr.      Reed  represented  the  United  States.   Russia 
and  the  United  States,  however,  were  determined  upon 
an  attitude  of  neutrality,  Russia  because  of  her  naval 
weakness  and  her  consequent  inability  to  get  troops  to 
the  China  coast,  and  the  United  States  because  Mr. 
Buchanan  would  not  break  away  from  the  traditional 
policy  of  strict  isolation.   This  attitude   on  the  part 
of  the  United  States  was  not  at  all  well  understood. 
Oliphant  says  that  Mr.  Reed  arrived  in  a  huge  frigate, 
"and  the  "Missippl" ,  "Powhatan"  and  "San  Jocinto"  were 
already  in  Chinese  waters.  With  this  string  contingent, 
it  seemed  as  if  America  might  do  something  towards 
gaining  those  privileges  which, in  view  of  her  great  trade 
with  China  at  that  time,  were  so  important  to  her. 
The  Baron  Moges  attache1  to  the  French  Embassy  says, 
that  there  was  no  love  lost  between  the  American  sqjuadron 
and  the  Allied  fleets, since  "Whilst  the  seamen  of  England 
and  Prance  were  risking  their  lives  in  the  cause  of 
civilization,  four  American  ships  of  war, manned  to  their 


66 

full  complement  and  bristling  with  cannon,  were  riding 
tranquilly  at  their  anchors  in  the  roads  of  Hong  Kong." 
He  also  states  as  a  general  impression,  the  feeling 
that  the  Americans  were  waiting  around  until  they  could 
"without  expense  to  themselves,  reap  a  share  of  the 
advantage  won  by  Anglo-Franch  shot  and  shell." 

Early  in  December  most  of  the  marines  having 
arrived,  and  the  French  force  being  ready,  Elgin  and 
Grcos  sent  in  their  ultimata,  Elgin's  to  the  effect 
that,  hostile  operations  would  continue  until  full  treaty 
engagements  were  fulfilled,  including, of  course,  the 
right  of  free  entry  into  Canton,   and  Cfros  to  somewhat 
the  same  effect,  with  the  additional  demand  for  full 
reparation  for  the  murder  of  Pere  Chapdelaine,  a  French 
missionary.   Yeh  was  allowed  two  days.   In  the  mean 
time,  the  island  Plainan,  opposite  Canton,  was  occupied. 
Yen's  answer  consisted  mostly  of  advice  to  imitate 
Bonham,  rather  than  Davis,  pointing  out  the  relative 
treatment  of  the  two  men  by  the  Home  government. 


. 


67 

Gen.  Strawbensie,  who  had.  succeeded  Gen. 

of 
Ashburman,  went  about  the  Straubenais  AHsinan  and  the 

French  and  Dutch  Folly  forts,  right  under  the  guns  of 
the  Chinese,  which,  however,  remained  silent.    On  the 
21st  of  Dec.  1857,  Canton  was  given  twenty-four  hours 
notice  of  bombardment.   The  Chinese  did  not  seem  to 
realize  thsir  danger.   The  bombardment, however,  was 
not  opened  until  the  morning  of  the  28th.   It  contained 
tinued  all  day  and  the  following  night.   Under  cover  of 
it,  troops  were  landed, and  the  next  day  the  walls  were 
escaladed.   The  walls  were  soon  cleared, and  then  ensued 
a  most  peculiar  state  of  affaird.    Absolutely  no  of- 
ficial notice  was  taken  of  the  fact  that  the  city  lay 
at  the  mercy  of  the  Allies.   The  Cantonese  went  about 
their  business  as  if  a  state  of  war  never  existed. 
Finally,  on  the  5th  of  January  (1858)  a  party  invaded 
the  labyrinth  of  narrow  streets  and  succeeded  in  finding 
and  capturing  Yeh.  Mr.  Parkes  also  succeeded  in  finding 
Yen's  papers,  among  which  were  matters  not  only  of  in- 
terest, and  because  they  gave  the  Chinese  point  of  view 


erf! 


. 


•>  8  1 


i 


68 
on  the  Europeans  and  their  affairs, (I)  but  one, at  least, 
which  afterwards  proved  useful.   Peh-Kirsri,;  the  governor 
of  the  city  and  the  Tartar  general  whose  name  is  given 
by  tfcre  English  as  ftaaat-  -Tseang-Ksieji .,  and  by  the 
French  as  Muh,  and  variations  thereon,  were  also  taken, 
Yeh  was  sent  to  Calcutta  as  a  prisoner  on  board  H.  M.  S# 
"Inflexible."  Peh-KSv*!..  was  put  in  charge  of  the  city 
with  a  European  tribunal  to  aid  him  and  to  watch  him. 

The  blockade  was  then  raised,  factories  settled 
to  be  placed  in  the  suburbs,  at  a  point  opposite  the 
-Dutdh  Polly  Fort,  a  small  occupying  force  was  left,  and 
the  rest  of  the  expedition  withdrew. 

The  four  plenipotentiaries  drew  mp  a  joint  note 
to  the  Emperor, asking  that  commissioners  be  appointed  to 

(I)   See  memorial  address  to  the  Emperor  by  Keying  the 
previous  commissioner, quoted  by  Moges  pp.  145-151  and 
Fisher  40-43.  Also  report  of  conversation  between  Emperor 
and  Ki-Shuli-tsan  ex-judge  of  Kwang  tung,  quoted  by 
Oliphant,  Vol.  I.  pp.  100-111. 


■ 


I 


i  • 

■ 


, 


69 

meet  them  at  Shanghai ,  M.  de  Contades  and  Mr.  Oliphant(I) 
started  with  it  for  Peking.   They  went  as  far  as  Soo- 
Chowri  and  the  despatches  were  forwarded  thence  to  Peking. 
The  Embassies  then  proceeded  to  Shanghai.  Where 
they  received  an  answer  from  Yu  ,  the  senior  minister. 
He  did  not  condescend  to  write  personally  (despite 
treaty  agreements)  but  sent  a  message  through  the  local 
governor  that  one  Kwang  had  been  appointed  to  succeed 
Yeh  at  Canton,  and  that  they  had  best  return  thezre 
and  treat  with  him.    The  Russians, however,  were  invit- 
ed to  meet  a  Tartar  magistrate  at  the  mouth  of  the  Black 
Dragon  or  Amour.    It  was  immediately  determined  to 
proceed  toward  Peking. 

6fi  the  14th  of  April,  1858, 
the  mouth  of  the  Peiho  -the  river  leading  up  to  Peking  - 
was  reached. 

H©re  another  demand  was  made  for  commission- 
ers, this  time  to  meet  the  Ambassadors  at  Taku  . 


(I)   Attaches  to  the  special  Ambassy  of  France  and 
England. 


9m 


■ 


J"   b 


Jb  OB 


70 

Three  of  them  came  to  Tan,  T sung  -  lun  ,-  and :Pu .  Because 
they  could  not  produce  any  commsiion  delegating  to  them 
full  powers,  Elgin  and  his  associates  would  not, at  first, 
treat  with  them.  However,  later,  to  gain  time,  while 
the  gun  boats  beat  up  and  down  the  coast  against  adverse 
winds,  Tan  was  informed  of  the  objects  of  the  mission, 
and  there  was  some  show  of  diplomatic  discussion  and 
conference,  Meanwhile,  the  Chinese  continued  to  strength- 
en their  fortifications.   Finally  there  were  anchored 
about  the  mouth  of  the  Peiho,   some  inside  and  some 
outside,  the  bar,  fifteen  English  ships  containing  more 
than  two  thousand  men,  and  eleven  French  ships,  besides 

two  American  frigates,  and  Count  Putiative's  conveyance, 

the 
the  little  side-wheeler^  "Amerika  ■"•        Then,  on  the  20th 

of  May,  the  Forts  were  bombarded,  stormed  and  taken 

in  short  order,  and  with  very  little  loss  from  the  fire 

of  the  Chinese,  although  the  explosion  of  a  magazine 

after  the  Chinese  had  fled, caused  a  frightful  disaster 

among  the  French. 


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71 
The  envoys  then  made  their  way  up  the  river  to 
Tien-tsin,  where  they  took  residence  in  "The  Temple  of 
Supreme  Felicity,"  somewhat   feelingly  described  by 
Mr.  Oliphant,  whither  they  were  immediately  followed 
by  Count  Putiative  and  Mr.  Heed,  and  whither  come  two 
fully  qualified  ambassadors,  Kwailang.,   and  Hwashana. 
The  first  interview,  however,  of  Lord  Elgin  with  these 
gentlemen  terminated  abruptly.   In  the  course  of  the 
ceremonies  of  meeting,  he  discovered  that  the  Commiss- 
ioners were  unprovided  with  a  certain  seal  of  office 
termed  the  Kwang-fang.   They  explained  that  this  was 
only  conferred  on  those  holding  permanent  office,  and 
not  upon  temporary  Commissioners,  such  as  themselves. 
Lord  Elgin,  however,  having  now  had  some  experience  with 
the  methods  of  Chinese  diplomacy,  stated  that  without 
the  Kwang-fang,  the  negotiations  could  not  proceed, and 
left.   It  seems  that  the  commissioners  had  hit  hh 
nearer  the  truth  than  is  customary  in  Chinese  official 


:tct 


. 


eii 


72 
life,  and  they  were  really  in  somewhat  of  a  quandary. 
Plowever,  after  consultations  with  Mr.  H.  IT.  lay,  who  by 
virtue  of  his  position  under  the  Chinese  governfiaant  as 
Inspector  of  Customs  at  Shanghai,  was  more  in  their 
confidence  than  any  other  European,  they  finally  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  the  Kwang-fang  down  from  Peking. (I) 

Matters  then  went  smoothly  enough  until  the 
sudden  and  unexpected  arrival  of  Keying,  the  mandarin, 
who  had  preceded  Yeh  at  Canton,  and  who  had  negotiated 
the  treaty  of  Nankin  with  Sir  Henry  Pottinger.  He  was 
now  a  very  old  man.  At  first  he  presented  himself  in 
no  official  capacity,  but  later,  obtained  an  Imperial 
appointment  as  third  commissioner.   Then  he  began  to 
make  trouble.   The  other  commissioners  were  for  peace, 
and  concessions;   he  was  for  war  and  no  concessions. 

(I)   Oliphant  -  the  only  account  I  discovered  of  the 
Kwang  -  fang  episode  -  not  mentioned  by  7&>ges, 
and  irrecognizably  mixed  up  elsewhere. 


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Moreover,  he  worked  to  incite  the  population  of  Tien-tsin 
It.  became  necessary  to  quiet  him.   Among  Yen's  papers 
discovered  in  Canton  by  Mr.  Parke s,  was  a  memorial  ad- 
dressed by  Keying  to  the  Emperor.   It  spoke  in  very 
plain  terms  of  the  "blindly  unintelligent"  barbarians 
and  how  he  was  hoodwinkailg  them.  (I)    This  document 
was  turned  over  to  the  Commissioners.  Plwashana  read 
it  aloud.   Poor  old  Keying  was  so  frightened  that  he 
immediately  left  for  Peking,  where  he  was  incontinently 
invited  to  quaff  a  cup  of  poison.   As  the  invitation 
was  conveyed  by  autograph  decree  from  the  Emperor, it 
was  accepted.   Unsuccessful  celestial  statesmen  travel 
a  rough  road.   Yeh  was  immediately  degraded  after  the 
capture  of  Canton,  and  Tan  when  the  Allies  passed  the 
Taku  forts,  not  only  lost  his  tea  honors,  and  titles, 
but  was  sent  into  exile  in  the  interior. 

Nothing  further  occurred  to  interrupt  the  process 
of  negotiations  until  the  26th  of  June.  Mean  while, (on 
the  14th)  the  Russian  treaty  was  signed, gaining  the  right 


(I)   Pull  text  given  by  Oliphant  Vol.  I  pp. 359-366  and 
elsewhere. 


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73 
of  correspondence  on  an  equal  footing  between  the  Russian 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and  the  Prime  Minister  or 
First  Minister  of  the  Council  of  State  at  Peking;   per- 
mission to  send  diplomatic  agents  thither  on  special 
occasions   (mpon  which  point, however, it  is  to  be  noted 
that  the  text  of  the  treaty  distinctly  puts  it  that 
envoys  may  be  sent  whenever  the  Russian  government 
sees  fit,)   (I)  liberty  of  circulation  throughout  the 
Empire  of  Missionaries  only  under  a  system  of  pass-ports 
and  the  right  to  trade  at  ports  athen  open  with  the 
addition  of  Swatow,  a  port  in  Formosa,  and  one  in  Hainan. 
Dodd  alone  makes  the  statement  that  a  large  area  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Amour  was  ceded. 

Hoges  and  Oliphant,  although  they  were  on  the 
ground,  and  attached  to  the  Franch  and  English  embassies, 
seem  to  know  nothing  of  this.   The  point  is  not  without 
interest,  especially  as  the  Sprun.er  -Hanks  Atlasgives 
the  Amour  territory  as  being  ceded  in  1858. 

(I)   Martens , Re cui el  des  Trait es. 


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74 
Reference    to    the  text   in  Martens,    proves   this  erroneous, 
though  not  without   its  excuse  and  its   element   of   truth. 
A  fact    of   importance  has    teen  overlooked  in  all   the 
books  dealing  with    this   question  from  the   Anglo-French 
point   of  view.      It   is   this.      In  May  16-28  there  was 
made  at   Anghoun  a  treaty  by  Nicholas  Muriatviev  and  Prince 
I -Chan,    a  treaty,    the   first   article   of  which  began 
as  follows: 

"La  rive   gauche    du  fleuve  Amour  s  partir  de 
la  riviere  Arg-Roun   jusqufa  1* embouchure   de  1* Amour 
appartiendra  a  1* empire  de  Russie,    at      sa  rive   droite 
en  aval   jusqu    'a  la  kh  riviere   Oussouri   appartiendra 
a  l'empire  Ta-Tsing;      les  territoires  et   endnoits   situes 
entre  la  riviere   Oussouri   et  la  mer   comme   jusqu»a  present 
seront  possedes  par  l'enpire     Ta-Tsing  et  1* empire   de 
Russie   en  attendant  que  la  frontiere   entre  les  deux 
Etats   y  soit   reglee." 

The   treaty  of  Tien-tsin  did  not   settle   this 
matter,    although   one   of  its  articles   states   that    such 


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regulation  shall  be  the  subject  of  an  additional  article. 
TTo  such  additional  article  is  recorded,  but  by  another 
treaty,  made  at  Anghoun  in  1861,  the  matter  was  settled 
and  the  territory  definitely  ceded  to  Russia.   There  was 
certainly  clever  diplomatic  work  going  on  for  Russia, 
while  the  borad-sides  of  England  and  Prance  were  thunder- 
ing. 

The  American  treaty  granting  practically  the 
same  general  concessions,  was  signed  four  days  later.  ' 
Dodd  takes  a  ^ittle   fly  at  the  United  States  in  speaking 
of  this,  saying  her  attitude  was  "more  courteous  than 
threatening,  more  submissive  than  dignified." 

Tn  England's  negotiations  -fehere  was  on  the 
26th  of  June,  what  threatened  to  be  a  serious  hitch. 
There  were  two  points  upon  which  Elgin  placed  great 
insistence;   the  right  of  a  British  Minister  to  reside 
permanently  at  Peking,  and  the  right  of  British  subjects 
to  travel  freely  for  trading  purposes  in  all  ports  of  the 
Empire.   Perceiving  that  they  pled  in  vain  with  the 


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English  Ambassador,  the  Chinese  Commissioners  appealed 
to  the  representatives  of  the  other  nations  to  impose 
inform  Lord  Elgin  that  they  had  received  an  Imperial 
decree  from  Peking,   informing  them  that  their  heads 
would  be  the  price  of  their  agreement  to  these  concess- 
ions.  The  rumor,  of  Keying1  s  death  had  just  arrived, 
and  it  seemed  hard  to  subject  these  well-disposed 
commissioners  to  the  same  fate.   Lord  El gin, however, 
finally  decided  that  the  matter  was  of  too  great  import- 
ance to  allow  the  interference  of  personal  motives. 
Moreover,  the  appeals  for  mercy  might  be  a  ruse.   After 
some  hesitation, therefore,  he  declared  that  he  would 
not  recede  from  his  position.   The  treaty  was  signed 
with  elaborate  ceremonies  on  the  26th  of  June  1858  (I) 
The  French  treaty  was  signed  the  next  day. 

The  following  is  a  resume1, with  the  more 
important  provisions  quoted. 

(I)   Kweilang  and  Hwashana  escaped  with  their  lives. 


. 


. 


77 

(I)  Treaty  between  Her  Majesty  and  the  Emperor 
of  China.  Signed  in  the  English  and  Chinese  languages 
at  Tien-tsin,  June  26.  1858. 

"Pier  Majesty  the  Queen  of  fcfce  Brited  Kingdom 
of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  and  his  Majesty  the 
Emperor  of  China,  being  desirous  to  put  an  end  to  the 
existing  misunderstanding  &c.   -  -  -  have  named  as  their 
Plenipotentiaries,  that  is  to  say:- 

Her  Majesty  the  Queen  of  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland,  the  Right  Honorable,  the  Earl  of  Elgin,  and 
Kincardine,  a  Peer  of  the  United  Kingdom,  and  a  Knight 
of  the  Most  Ancient  and  Most  Noble  Order  of  the  Thistle. 
And  his  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  China,  the 

High  Commissioner  Kweiliang  a  Senior  Chief  Secretary  of 

of 
State,  styled  the  East  Cabinet,  Captain  -  General  of 

the  Plain  White  Banner  of  the  Manchu  Banner  Force, 
Superintendant-General  of  the  Administration  of  Criminal 
Law;  and  Hwashana,  one  of  His  Imperial  Majesty's  ex- 
positors of  the  Classics,  Manchu  President  of  the  Office 

(I)   Annual  Register  1859,  pp  206- 


vv 


: 
to  , 


78 
for  the  regulation  of  the  Civil  Establishment  Caplains 
General  of  the  Bordered  Blue  Banner  of  the  Chinese 
Banner  Force  and  Visitor  of  the  Office  of  Interpretation; 
Have  agreed  upon  and  concluded  the  following  Articles 

I.  Treaty  of  Hank in  .renewed;   Supplementary 
Treaty  and  General  Regulations  of  Trade  Abrogated. 

II.  Her  Majesty  may  appoint  Ambassadors,  Ministers 
or  other  diplomatic  agents  to  the  Court  of  Pekin;   and 
his  Majesty  the  Emperor  may  likewise  appoint  Ambassadors 
etc.  to  the  Court  of  St.  James. 

III.  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  China  hereby 
agrees  that  the  Ambassador,  Minister  or  other  Diplomatic 
Agent,  so  appointed  by  Her  Majesty  the  Queen  of  Great 
Britain,  may  reside  with  his  family  and  establishment 
permanently  at  the  capital,  or  may  visit  it  occasionally, 
at  the  option  of  the  British  Government.   He  shall  not 

be  called  upon  to  perform  any  ceremony  derogatory  to  him, 
as  representing  the  Sovereign  of  an  independent  nation 
on  a  footing  of  equality  with  that  of  China.   On  the 
other  hand, he  shall  use  the  same  forms  of  ceremony  and 


•   • 


.  I ', 


. 


. 


' 


79 

respect  to  His  Majesty  the  Emperor,  as  are  employed  by 
the  Ambassadors,  Ministers  or  Diplomatic  Agents  of  Her 
Majesty  towards  the  Sovereigns  of  independent  and 
equal  European  nations. 

"It  is  further  ggreed  that  Her  Majesty's 
Government  may  acquire  at  Pekin  a  site  for  building 
or  may  hire  houses  for  the  accommodation  of  Her  Majesty's 
Mission,  and  that  the  Chinese  Government  will  assist 
it  in  so  doing. 

Her  Majesty's  Representative    shall   be   at 
liberty  to  choose  his   own  servants  and  attendants   -  -   - 

Any  person  guilty  of  disrespect   ot  violence 

of  His  Majesty's  Representative,    or  any  member   of  his 

family,  or  establishment,    in  deed   or  icord,    shall   be 

severely  punished." 

IV.        "   It   is   further  agreed  that  no   obstacle   or 

difficulty  shall   be  made   to  the   free  movements   or  Her 

Majesty's  Representative,    and  that  he  and  the  persons 

of  his   suite  may  come   and  go,    and   travel  at    their 

send 

pleasure.  He  shall  moreover  leave  full  liberty  to  and 
receive  his  correspondence,  -----;   and,  generally 


igH  to    a  t 

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-- 


80 

he  shall  enjoy  the  same  privileges  as  are  accorded  to 

officers  of  the  same  rank  by  the  usage  and  consent 

of  Western  nations." 

V.   The  Emperor  agrees  to  nominate  one  of  the 

Secretaries  of  State,  or  a  President  of  oiie  of  the  Boards 

with 
as  the  high  officer^  whom  the  Ambassador,  Minister  or 

other  Diplomatic  Agent  of  Her  Majesty  the  HJueen  shall 

transact  business  either  personally  or  in  writing,  on 

a  footing  of  perfect  equality." 

VI.  Her  Majesty  extends  some  privileges  to 
Diplomatic  Agents  of  the  Emperor  of  China  to  her  Court. 

VII.  Her  Majesty  may  appoint  Consuls  to  reside  in 
the  open  ports.   Consuls  shall  rank  as  Intendants  of 
Circuits;  Vice-Consuls,  Acting  Vice-Consuls,  and  In- 
terpreters, with  Prefects. 

VIII.  The  Christian  religion,  as  professed  by 
Roman  Catholics  and  Protestants,  shall  be  allowed  to 
be  taught. 

IX.  British  subjects  to  be  allowed  under  a  system 
of  passports  to  travel  for  business  or  pleasure  in  all 


.:lo 


" 


. 


.  IV 


:: 


- 


.. 


81 
ports  of  the  interior.   Persons  without  pass-ports  to  be 
turned  over  unharmed  to  the  nearest  Consul.  No  pass- 
ports needed  for  excursions  not  exceeding  100  li  and 
for  a  period  not  exceeding  five  days  from  an  open  port. 
This  article  does  not  apply  to  ships  crews. 

X.    British  Merchant  ships  authorized  to  trade 
on  the  Yang-tsz  (Great  River)  -  Upper  and  lower 
valley  however  being  disturbed  with  out -laws  no  port 
opened  bu  Chinpiang,  which  shall  be  opened  a  year  from 
signing  of  this  treaty. 

Also  upon  restoration  of  peace, British 
Minister  shall  bhoose  three  ports  below  Han  -  Konir. 

XI.  In  addition  to  the  five  ports  opened  by  Treaty 
of  Nankin,  it  is  agreed  that  British  subjects  may  fre- 
quent the  ports  of  New  Chang  ,  Tang  -  6hou,  Tai  -  Wan 
(Formosa),  Chan  -  Chow  (Suatoa)  and  Kieung-Chtfw  (Haini^n) . 

XII.  British  Subjects  may  buy  land  for  sx   ware- 
houses, churches,  hospitals,  residences,  burial  grounds, 
at  the  prevailing  rates. 


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XIII.    British  Subjects  may  employ  Chinese  subjects 
in  any  lawful  capacity. 

XIV.  British  subjects  may  hire  boats  for  goods 
or  passengers  and  there  shall  be  no  monopoly  in  regard 
to  either  boats  or  coolies. 

XV.  All  questions  arising  between  British 
subjects  shall  be  subject  to  British  jurisdiction. 

XVI.  Chinese  guilty  of  criminal  acts  toward 
British  subjects  shall  be  arrested  and  punished  by  the 
Chinese  authorities,  according  to  the  laws  of  China, 
and  vice  versa. 

XVII.  Matters  of  complaint  between  British  and 
Chinese  shall  be  referred  to  the  Consul,  for  amicable 
settlement,  and  in  case  of  failure  on  his  part  alone, 
he  shall  request  assistance  of  the  Chinese  authorities. 

XVIII.  The  Chinese  authorities  shall  at  all  times 
protect  British  subjects  from  insult  and  violence,  and 
shall  promptly  punish  incendiarism  and  robbery. 

XIX.    Chinese  authorities  shall  capture  and  punish 
pirates  offending  against  British  ships. 


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XX.  British  subjects  ship -wrecked  on  the  Chinese 
coast  shall  be  succored,  received  friendly  treatment,  and 
if  necessary,  receive  means  of  transportation  to  the 
nearest  consular  station, 

XXI.  Chinese  criminals  refugeeing  at  Hong  Kong 
on  board  British  ships,  or  in  the  houses  of  British 
subjects  shall  be  given  up  on  due  requisition  by  the 

Chinese  authorities. 

XXII.  Each  of  the  contracting  parties  agrees  to 
arrest  and  enforce  the  payment  of  debts  of  any  of  its 
subjects  abscounding  against  subjects  of  the  other. 

XXIII.  Chinese  trading  in  Hong  Kong  and  owing 
debts  shall  be  dealt,  with  on  the  spot  by  the  English 
Courts  of  justice;   if  they  abscond  thence  the  Chinese 
authorities  shall  see  justice  done. 

XXIV.  The  Tariff  rates  strictly,  and  nothing 
more,  shall  be  demanded  on  imports  and  exports. 

XXV.  Import  duties  payable  on  landing  of  goods, 
export  on  shipment. 

XXVI.  Tariff  fixed  by  Act.  X.  Treaty  of  Nankin, 
abrogated.   Upon  signature  of  this  treaty  ,  officers  to 


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be  appointed  by  contracting  parties  to  arrange  a  new 
one  at  Shanghai. 

XXVII.  Either  party  may  demand  a  revision  of  tariff 
at  the  end  of  ten  years,  but  if  within  six  months  after 
the  end  of  the  ten  years  no  such  demand  has  been  made, 
tariff  shall  continue  for  ten  years  more  unchanged. 

XXVIII.  whereas,  according  to  the  treaty  of  Nankin, 
British  imports  having  paid  the  regular  tariff  duties, 
were  to  be  transported  into  the  interior  unburdened, 
save  by  a  transit  duty,  and  whereas  such  duty  being  of 
no  specified  amount,  led  to  much  dispute  and  dissatis- 
faction;  four  months  from  the  signing  of  this  treaty, 
the  authorities  charged  with  the  collection  of  such 
duties,  shall  declare  their  exact  rates  and  a  notifica- 
tion thereof  shall  be  published  in  English  and  Chinese. 
But  it  shall  be  at  the  option  of  any  British  subject 
transporting  goods  from  place  of  production  to  place  of 
shipment, to  clear  them  once  for  all  by  the  payment  of 

2  l/2  $  ad  valorem.    This  in  no  way  to  affect  tariff 
duties  on  imports  and  exports. 


- 


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- 

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to 

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85 

XXIX.  Arrangement  for  tonnage  dues  and  certif- 
icate of  clearance. 

XXX.  Ditto 

XXXI.  Ditto 

XXXII.  Concerning  beacons  and  light-houses. 

XXXIII.  Duties  to  be  paid  to  the  Bankers  appointed 
by  the  Chinese  government,  either  in  Sycee,  or  in 
foreign  money,  according  to  the  assay  made  at  Canton 
July  13,  1845. 

XXXIV.  Standard  weights  and  measures. 

XXXV.  Pilots. 

XXXVI.  Customs  officers  to  reside  upon  and 
protect  incoming  ships  without  fees. 

XXXVII.  Report  of  incoming  ships  to  consul  and 
Superintendent  of  Customs. 

XXXVIII.  Permit  to  open  hatches,  from  Consul. 

XXXIX.  Ditto,  from  Superintendent  of  Customs. 
XL.        Transhipment  permits. 

XLI.       Port   clearance. 


■ 

: 

ni  to    :  idi 


.        .. 

- 


86 

XLII.      Appeal  to  highest  price  merchants  would 
pay  in  case  of  disagreement  over  ad  val Oram  duties 

XLIII.     Fixing  of  tare. 

XLIV.      Damaged  goods  same  appeal  as  XLII. 

XLV.       Reexportation,  draw- back  certificates  etc, 

XLVI.      Smugling  left  to  Chinese  authorities. 

XLVII.     British  vessels  entering  any  other  than 
open  ports  shall  be  subject  to  confiscation  by  the 
Chinese  government. 

XLIX.      All  such  penalties  belomg  to  public 
service  of  Chinese  government. 

L.         All  official  communications  to  be  written 
in  English  with  Chinese  translation.   In  case  of  dif- 
ference, English  version  to  prevail.   Applies  to 
this  Treaty. 

LI.        Agreed  that  henceforth  the  character  "I" 
(barbarian)  shall  not  be  applied  to  the  English  in  any 
Chinese  official  document. 

LI I,       British  ships  of  war  to  visit  any  port 
for  provisions  etc. 


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LIII.      Concerted  measures  to  be  taken  against 
piracy. 

LIV.     "  Most  favored  mation" clause . 

LV.        Indemnity  clause  to  be  added, 

LVI •       Ratifications  to  be  exchanged  at  Peking 

within  one  year  from  the  day  of  signature 
"  In  token  whereof  the  respective  Pleni- 
potentiaries have  signed  and  sealed  this  treaty. 

"  Done  at.  Tien-tsin  this  twenty  sixth  day 
of  June  in  the.  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  fifty-eight;   corresponding  with  the  Chinese 
date,  the  sixteenth  day,  fifth  moon,  of  the  eighth 
year  of  Hi en  Fung. 

(E  S)    Elgin  and  Kincardine 

(  Signature  of  1st  Chines©' 
PI enip  ot  ent  iary 

(     ■     "  2nd   " 

(  Seal  of  Chinese  Plenipotentiary) 


, 


' 


. 


■  -     '  ■ 


88 


Separate  article :- 

Agreed  to  pay  an  indemnity  of  two  million 
taels  -  the  British  troops  to  evacuate  Canton  when 
it  is  paid. 

(  Signed  as  above  ) 


:©s 


<i 


8.9 
Chapter  III. 
Prom  the  Treaty  Tien- t sin  to  the  exchange  of  ratifi- 
cations at  Peking,  Nov.  5>  1860 

The  Honorable  Frederick  Bruce  G,  B.,  brother 
of  El&in,  was  appointed  to  be  Minister  to  China,  in 
accordance  with  highly  rated  privilege  won  at  Tien-tsin. 
His  instructions  were  moderate.  He  was  not  to  insist 
on  his  right  of  residence  at  Peking,  but  was  "for  the 
pre sent, at  least,  "to  make  Shanghai  his  headquarters, and 
conduct  the  oversight  of  English  affairs  in  China  from 
that  point,  Sir  John  Bowring  at  Hong  Kong  being  super- 
seded. However,  he  was  to  go  to  exchange  ratifications 
in  the  Treaty  of  Tient-sin,  in  fact,  he  was  specially 
instructed  not  to  he  tempted  to  exchange  them  elsewhere. 

At  this  time,  the  China  Station  was  established  as 
a  post  in  the  English  navy,  consequently,  Admiral  Seymour 
who  had  been  in    command  of  the  East  India  Station 
(then  including  the  China  eoast)  was  succeeded  by  Admiral 
Hope,  who  was  appointed  to  the  new  China  Station.  He  was 
instructed  to  escort  Mr.  Bruce  with  an  adequate  force, to 


•  ■' 

- 

•  ■ 

ani 


•  •  .  -. 


.  a  nx 


90 
the  Peiho,  which  he  was  to  ascend  in  a  British  ship  of 
war.   Reaching  Hong  Kong  in  May,  1859,  he  was  joined  by 
the  French  Ambassador  il.de  Bourbonlon,  bent  on  the 
same  errand.   At  Shanghai  the  evidence  of  Mr.  Bruce* s 
instructions  was  illustrated*  Kweilamg  and  Hwashane 
were  waiting  there  with  the  proposition  to  exchange 
the  ratifications  on  the  spot  and  then  make  an  overland 
journey  to  Peking.   Mr.  Bruch  refused  and  with  M.  de 
Bourboiilon,  and  Admiral  Hope  and  a  squadron  of  some 
nineteen  vessels,  mostly  gun-boats,  (I)  proceeded  up 
into  the  Gulf  of  Pechile  to  the  mouth  of  the  Peiho, 
where  he  arrived  on  the  18th  of  June.   The  river  was 
found  to  be  obstructed  with  iron  cables  and  the  forti- 
fications much  strengthened.   Boats  sent  on  shore  to 
announce  the  approach  of  the  plenipotentiaries and  desire 
that  the  obstructions  be  removed, were  met  by  a  sort  of 
armed  mo£,  which,  refusing  to  permit  a  landing, seated 


(I)    Seven  steamers,  ten  gun-boats,  and  two  transports, 
two  French  ships. 


■  '      ■ 

* 

I 

•     ■     • 

I    eiorl;.    , 


91 

the  fortifications  and  abstructions  constituted  a  meas- 
ure of  defense  against  pirates,  and  that  they  being 
militia  not  directly  under  the  control   of  Peking, 
had  received  no  instructions  concerning  the  arrival  of 
Ambassadors,  would  take  messages  to  Peking. 
However,  they  appeared  to  make  no  particular  objections 
when  Admiral  Hope  requested  that  the  river  be  opened 
in  three  days,  -  except  that  they  failed  to  honor  the 
request,  and  calmly  went  about  further  strengthening 
of  the  defenses.   Patience  exhausted, the  envoys  on  the 
21st  asked  the  Admiral  to  employ  force  -  Hope  gave 
warning,  and  on  the  night  of  the  24th,  blew  up  part 
of  the  obstructions.    The  next  day  the  gun-boats  went 
over  the  bar.   Immediately  they  came  within  close 
range,  the  Talfcu  forts  opened  fire.   A  number  of 
batteries  hitherto  mashed  with  matting,  added  unex- 
pected force  to  the  fusilade.   This  unexpected  strength 
and  the  unusual  precision  with  which  the  Chinese 
gunners  aimed,  resulted  in  the  almost  immediate  dis~  - 
ablement  of  tifcBc  four  gun-boats.  Admiral  Hope  was 


' 


- 


J  i 


! 


•  • 


- 


I 


[ 


. 


.. 


92 
severely  wounded •     The   ships  continued  to  engage  the 
forts  and  then  a  storming  party  made  a  lamentable   at- 
tempt.     They  were   caught   by  a  series   of  three  mud-ditches 
in  which   the  men  were  fairly  slaughtered..      Out    of  the 
eleven  hundred  men  landed,    four  hundred  thirty-four 
were  put   "hors  de*  combat".      It  was   on  this  occasion 
that  the  American  Commodore   Tatual  ,    with  his  famous 
signal,    "Blood  is   thicker  than  water",   went  under  fire, 
to  tate  up   reserves  and  rescue   the  men  struggling  in 
the  mud.     Admiral  Hope  behaved  with  great   gallantry 
and  determination,    even  after  he  was  wounded, (I)    but 
was   compelled  to  report   to   the  ministers  his  inability 
with  his   small  force, to  clear  the  river.     The  envoys  and 
their     convoy,    consequently  withdrew  to  Shanghai. 


(I)      See  Rennie     P.    5  -  account   of  eye-witness.      Also 
report    of  eye-witness  An.   Reg.    (265-266)      For  the    Chinese 
point    of  view, read  the   report  submitted  to  Emp.    by   "Sing- 
ko-len-sin  Prince    of  Potolekutai    of 

the     Korchiii  tribe     An.   Reg.    (    166   -   267    ) 


• 


93 
Such  was  the  overture  to  the  third  war  with  China 
At  first,  the  feeling  in  England  seem<s..  to  have 
been  surprisingly  mild,  the  general  feeling  was  against 
war,  and  the  impression  prevailed  that  the  affair  at  the 
Taku   forts  was  after  all  of  merely  local  signifixcence. 
Reflecting  this  public  sentiment  the  government  directed 
Bruce  to  simply  demand  the  ratification  of  the  Treaty 
of  Tien-tsin  and  an  apology.  When  information  came 
that  the  Chinese  government,  instead  of  disavowing  the 
Taku  business  was  rewarding  the  participants  therein, 
there  was  a  change  of  feeling.     A  large  allied 
expedition  was  prepared,  Lord  Elgin  and  Baron  Gros 
were   re-appointed  to  the  positions  they  held  in  1856. 
Sir  Hope  Grant  K.  C.  B.  of  Indian  fame  and  General  Cousin 
de  Montauban,  "vieux  soldat.d1 Afriqua",  were  put  in 
command  of  the  English  and  French  forces  respectively. 
Admiral  Hope  remained  in  command  of  the  English  fleet. 
Bruce* s  ultimatum  was  to  the  effect  that 


.-.,    sA 


-i- 


94. 

M  1.   That  an  ample  arid  satisfactory  apology  be  made, 
-  -  -  -  and  that  the  guns  and  material,  as  well  as  the 
ships  abandoned  -  -  -   be  restored. 

"2.   That  the  ratifications  of  the  treaty  of  Tien- 
tsin be  exchanged  without  delay  at  Pekin;   that  when  the 
Minister  of  her  Britannic  Majesty  proceeds  to  Pekin 
for  that  purpose,  he  fre  permitted  to  proceed  up  the 
river  by  Taku, ,  to  the  city  of  Tien-tsin  in  a  British 
vessel,  and  that  provision  be  made  by  the  Chinese 
authorities  for  the  conveyance  of  himself  and  his  suite, 
with  due  honors  from  the  city  to  Pekin. 

n  3.   That  full  effort  be  given  to  the  provisions 
of  that  treaty,  including  -  -  -  -  prompt  payment  of  the 
indemnity  of  4,000,000  tails  etc." 

"  TSbe  Undersigned  is  further  directed  to  state 
that,  in  consequence  of  the  attempt  made  to  obstruct  the 
passage  of  the  Undersigned  to  Pekin,  the  understanding 
entered  into  between  the  Earl  of  Elgin  and  the  Imperial 
Commissioners  in  October  1858  -  -  -  -  is  at  an  end, and 


• 


:.':: 


: 


fc 


. 


t 


95 
that  it  tests, henceforward,  exclusively  with  her 
Britannic  Majesty,  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of 
Article  II  of. the  treaty  of  Tien-tsin  to  decide  whether 
or  not  she  shall  instruct  her  Minister  to  take  up  his 
abode  permanently  at  Pekin'  -  -  -   "The  Undersigned 
has  only  to  add  that  unless  he  receives  within  a  period 
of  thirty  days  from  the  date  of  this  communication,  a 
reply  conveying  the  unqualified  assent  of  his  Majesty 
the  Emperor  of  China  to  these  demands,  the  British  naval 
and  Military  authorities  will  proceed  to  adopt  such 
measures  as  they  may  deem  advisable, for  the  purpose  of 
compelling  the  Emperor  of  China  to  observe  the  engagements 
contracted  for  by  him,  by  his  plenipotentiaries  at  Tien- 
tsin, and  approved  by  his  Imperial  Edict  of  July  1858. " 
The  Great  Council  declined  to  hold  communica- 
tion directly  with  the  English  Minister,  but  sent  word 
through  the  Shanghai  Commissioner  Ho,  that  Bruce1 s 
letter  had  "occassioned  the  Council  the  greatest  aston- 
ishment. "      They  painted  out  that  Kweilang  and  his 
associates  were  waiting  to  treat  with  Mr.  Bruce, and  he 


aed: 


.. 


el 


96 
refused  them.   They  were  to  have  warned  him  that  the 
Peiho  was  closed;  "and  as  he  was  coming  to  exchange 
treaties,  why  did  he  bring  his  ships  of  war  ?   It  was 
plainly  his  intent  to  pick  a  quarrel.  -  - 

"(Then  the  demand  for  )  indemnity and 

for  the  restitution  of  guns,  arms  and  vessels,  is  yet 
more  against  decorum.   The  wafc  expenses  of  China  have 
been  enormous  -  -  -  Were  she  to  demand  repayment  of 
England,  England  would  find  that  her  expenses  do  not.' 
amount  to  half  those  of  China,  "     and  further,  "The 
dispatch  written  An  this   occasion  (by  the  British 
Minister)  is  in  much  of  its  language  too  insubordinate 
to  discuss  its  propositions  more  than  superficially 
or  to  go  deep  into  argument.   For  the  future  he  must 
not  be  so  wanting  in  decorum. 

"  The  above  remarks  will  have  to  be  communicated 
by  the  Commission  to  the  British  Minister,  whom  it  will 
behoove  not  to  adhere  too  obstinately  to  his  own  opinion 
as  by  so  doing, he  will  give  cause  to  much  trouble  here- 
after." 


' 


'^©T 


.te 


97 
When  this  impertinent  communication  arrived,    (I) 
Sir  Hope  Grant  and  General  de  Montaubon  were  both 
already  at  Shanghai .    The  English  force  consisted  of 
about  12000  men,  two  thirds  English,  and  one  third 
Indian,  and  the  French  force  of  nearly  8000    The  opin- 
ion is  proffered  by  M.  Paul  Varia,  in  his  "Expedition 
to  China"  that  the  French  were  willing  to  send  as  many 
as  fifteen  or  eighteen  thousand  men,  but  that  the 
English  insisting  that  their  force  be  enough  larger 
than  the  French  to  make  the  expedition  seem  mainly 
British,  the  French  agreed, in  order  not  to  risk  the 
"entente  cordiale".  However,  M.  Varin  throughout  his 
book  is  obviously  affected  by  a  strong  patriotism. 

The  different  positions  which  England  and  France 
held  as  regards  China  and  the  divergent  underlying 
motives  which  induced  them  to  undertake  the  war,  made  it 
seem  to  those  with  eyes  to  see, that  co-operation  could 
not  be  long  effective.   The  primary  object  with  the 


(I)   For  full  text  of  this  and  of  Bruce *s  ultimatum, see 
Wolseley  pp  7  -  14, 


- 


,1 


. 


98 

English  was, when  all  is  said  and  done  the  maintenance  of 

trade  relations.   Lieut.  Col.  G.  J.  Wolseley,  English 

he 
officer  though  ■   was,  puts  this  matter  brutally,  and  yet 

not  entirely  untruthfully,  when  he  says.   "With  John 
Bull,  his  commerce  is  of  greater  moment  than  revenge 
for  past  injuries,  or  the  maintenance  of  national 
honor. '(I)  With  the  French,  it  was  a  military  expedi- 
tion purely.   The  French  people  were  yearning  for 
martial  glory.   Sidney  Herbert,  Secretary  of  State, for 
War,  in  his  letter  to  Sir  Hope  Grante,  dated  Nov.  26,1859 
states  the  matter  pretty  clearly.   In  the  course  of  his 
instructions,  he  says,   "There  are  two  difficulites 
which  beset  our  course,  one  as  regards  our  enemy,  the 
other  as  regards  our  ally  -  -  -  - 

-  -  -  Our  object  is  to  get  our  peace  ratified  without 
being  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  an  advance  on  Pekin 
itself  -----   the  operation  (  i.e.  taking  of  Pekin), 
if  successful,  might  possibly,  in  the  present  dis- 
organized state  of  the  Chinese  empire,  end   in  upsetting 
the  existing  dynasty,  and  throwing  the  whole  country  into 


(I)   Wolseley  p.  75, 


■ 


. 


• 


. 


99 

a  state  of  anarchy,  fatal  to  the  interests  of  cocimerce, 
because  destructive  of  all  production  -  -  -  - 

An  early  determination  xk   of  our  Chinese  dif- 
ficutly  is,  therefore,  most  desirable.   Our  allies 
probably  have  different  views.   They  have  no  great 
commercial  interests  at  stake.   The  good  will  of  the 
Chinese  or  the  stability  of  the  Chinese  Empire  is  not 
important  to  them;   but  the  prestige  of  a  bulletin 
dated  from  Pekin  would  give  great  satisfaction  to  the 
French  people." 

Elgin  and  (Jros,  after  having  undergone  shi- 
wrech  off  Ceylon,  arrived  at  Hong  Kong  on  the  21st  of 
June  0-860).   They  immediately  joined  Grant,  and  Montau- 
ban  at  Shanghai.   The  time  for  delay  was  now  passed,  and 
the  troops  were  hurried  northward  as  rapidly  as  possible 
The  English  rendevous  was   the  bay  of  Tah-lien-hwan, in 
the  gulf  of  Pechili,  and  the  French  at  Che-fow,  or 

Tche-fou  (as  the  French  spell  it  ).    From  these  places 

the 
they  proceeded  to  meet  near  the  mouth  ofAPeiho,  and  to 

go  into  camp  at  Peh-tang,  about  twelve  miles  north 


" 


100 
of  the  river.   In  this,  a  most  dismal  and  disagreeable 
place,  they  were  detained  until  the  12th  of  August  by 
heavy  rains.    The  weather  seems  to  have  told  on  Sir 
Hope's  temper,  for  he  took  occasion  to  threaten  to  go 
ahead  alone,  when  the  French  seemed  to  him  a  bit  slow 
about  landing  their  guns.   Montauban,  replied  that 
the  English  certainly  could  not  move  their  own  guns 
through  the  mud.   And  made  the   truly  Gallic  remark, 
"  Que  partout  ou  iraient  les  Anglais  iraient  les  Francais; 
et  qa'lls  ne  seraient  pas  les  denier s  ,w    (I) 
However,  the  matter  was  smoothed  over. 

On  the  12th  the  troops  were  set  in  motion, 
the  second  division,  under  Sir  Robert  Napier,  making 
detour  off  to  the  right,  and  the  first  division, with  the 
French,  marching  across  a  very  troublesome  swamp, directly 
toward  Sin-ho,  where  some  small  redoubts  were  cleared 
out  in  half  an  hour.    About  the  same  time  as  this 
action,  some  4000  Tartar  cavalry  attacked  Napier.   In 
accordance  with  their  custom,  they  attacked  from  all 

(I)   Varin. 


I 


: 


101 
sides.  Armstrong  guns  and  Sikhs  made  great  havoc  among 
them  and  they  were  driven  off  toward  Tang-Ku. 

General  Montauban  insisted  on  immediately 
attacking  the  fortifications  at  Tang-ku,  which  Sir 
Hope  says  were  large  enough  to  contain  forty  thousand 
men,  (I)  -  but  was  soon  compelled  to  retire. 

The  next  day,  having  employed  in  building 
some  necessary  pontoon  bridges,  etc.,  Tang-ku  was  taken 
by  the  Allied  forces  on  the  14th. 

The  bombardment  of  the  Taku  forts  was  not 
begun  until  the  20th.   In  the  meantime,  proposals  and 
petitions  for  peace  were  received,  but  as  they  came  from 
no  qualified  official  source  they  were  not  regarded. 

The  proper  method  of  attack  upon  the  Taku 
forts  became  the  theme  of  a  somewhat  heated  discussion 
between  Sir  Hope  and  General  Montauban.    Sir  Hope 
maintained  that  the  fort  on  the  northern  bank  of  the 
Peiho,  though  the  smaller,  was  the  key  of  the  position, 
and, moreover,  could  be  attacked  with  less  danger  of  the 


(I)   Knollys  Vol.  II,  p.  97. 


. 


. 


IB 


102 
inroads  upon  the  flank,  which  would  have  to  be  provided 
against,  if  the  Allies,  following  General  Montauban's 
plan,  crossed  the  river  to  attack  the  town  of  Taku,and 
the  stronger  southern  fort.   Sir  Hope  prevailed, and 
the  French  general  said,  that, of  course,  he  would  help 
him,  cut  felt  that  he  must  put  himself  on  record  as 
opposed  to  the  plan  of  attack.    So  he  and  Sir  Hope 
mutually  wrote  each  other  memorials. (I )The  gun-boats 
wer9  called  in  to  cannonade  the  north  fort  and  the  flank 
of  the  south  fort.    In  the  esclading  of  the  walls  it 
was  nip  and  tuck  between  the  French  and  the  English  to 
get  over  first,  until  finally  an  Englishman  or  a  French- 
man (according  to  the  nationality  of  the  writer), got 
over,  and  after  the  most  spirited  resistance  yet  made 
by  .Chinese  against  Europeans,  the  north  fort  was  taken. 
Sir  Hope»s  theory  proved  to  be  the  right  one;   the  south- 
ern fort  was  easily  taken  after  the  north  fort  had  fallen 
After  the  second  fort  was  taken,  two  mandarins  arrived 
with  an  edict  enclosing  permission  to  the  Allies  to  enter 
(I)    Knoll yS  Vol  II,  pp  106  -  110 


, 


- 


. 


c 


. 


"1A 


rw 


103 

the  Peiho,  if  they  would  cease  hostilities.   (I)    The 
forts  contained  about  four  hundred  guns,  and  they  had 
been  taken  with  a  very  small  loss. 

On  August  23rd,  Admiral  Hope  occompanied 
by  Mr.  Parke s, (  whom,  by  the  way,  the  average  Chinaman 
firmly  believed  to  be  the  sole  pDnductor  of  the  war) 
went  in  the  "Coromandel"  on  a  reconnoitering  expedition 
as  far  as  Tien-tsin.   They  found  that  Sang-ko-lin-sin, 
the  Tartar  commander  at  Taku,  had  passed  through  without 
attempting  to  take  advantage  of  the  fortifications  there, 
being  content  with  posting  placards,  explaining  that  the 
Barbarians  had  been  defeated,  and  were  suing  for  peace. 

The  Allies  then  proceeded  to  Tien-tsin,  and 
on  the  2nd  of  November  two  supposed  Imperial  Commission- 
ers arrived,  ^weilang  and  Hang-fuh.   They  placidly 
accepted  all  terms,  but  when,  on  the  6th,  Mr.  Parkes 
submitted  to  them  the  plans  of  a  Convention,  embodying 
Lord  Elgin's  demands,  they  said  they  were  not  empowered 

77)   Varin. 


eriT 


i 


'...■-■    t 


t  eorfir  )  <  . 

jC 


eTertJ 
erii 


. 


•no 

c 
ievoq. 


104 
to   sign  without      reference    to   the  Emperor.      Lord  Elgin 
immediately  requested  Sir  Hope   to   continue  his  inarch 
toward  Peking. 

However,    the   expedition  did  not  leave      Tien- 
tsin until   the   9th,    on  account   of  shortage   of   supplies. 
Whether  or  not   the  delay  was   justified,    after  Elgin 
had  told  the  Commissioners   that  he  would     enter  into  no 
more  negotiations   short   of     Tang- chow,    is  a  mooted  point, 
of  which  Wolsely  best   states   the  affirmative,    and 
Parke s  excitedly  argues   the  negative.  On  the  15th 

the  Allies   came   to     Ho-si-wu,   a  place   on  the  ffeiho,a 
place   on  the  Peiho,    about  half  way  between  Tien-tsin 
and  Peking   (that   is,    about   thirty-five  miles  from  Peking) 
Plere  Lord  Elgin  laid  himself  open  to   criticism  by  con- 
senting to   enter  into  further  negotiations.        New  Com- 
missioners had  been  appointed,    one   of  v/hom  was   one   of 
the   three  Princes  who  practically  ruled   the   country, 
the  Prince   of  I,    a  nephew  of  the  Emperor.      He  attempted 
to  induce  Lord  Elgin  to  go  back   to   Tien--tsin   to  reopen 


• 


t 

I 

•  -  t     ■  ■ 

I        t  '     ■' 

lo  Bfli  to   er ■ .     t  •■ 

- 


105 
negotiations.   Elgin,  of  course,  refused,  but, although 
he  had  threatened  to  march  immediately  on  Tung-chow, 
which  is  only  ten  miles  from  Peking,  he  agreed  to  halt 
the  army  some  five  miles  this  side  of  Tung- chow,  and 
himself  proceed  thither  with  an  escort.   It  is  not  good 
to  make  concessions  of  any  sort  to  a  Chinaman;   the  o&ly 
sort  he  understands,  is  that  which  proceeds  from  weakness 

Messrs  Parke s  and  Wade  went  on  to  Tung- chow 
to  complete  arrangements  and  returned  with  word  that 
the  Chinese  forces  were  to  be  withdrawn  toward  the 
Capitol,  that  a  camping  ground  had  been  located,  and 
that  the  Commissioners  had  agreed  to  sign  the  Convention 
which  had  been   submitted  to  their  predecessors.   On  the 
17th,  Parkes,  with  Mr.  Loch,  Lord  Elgin's  private  secre- 
tary, Mr.  de  Norman,  attache'  to  Mr.  Bruce,  Col.  Walker, 
Quarter-master,  Mr.  Thompson,  Deputy  Commissary  General, 
Mr.  Bowl by,  of  the  Times,  and  Lieut.  Anderson,  commanding 
the  escort  of  five  King's  Dragoon  Guards,  and  twenty 
Sowars  of  Pane's  Horse,  went  to  Tung- chow  to  arrange 


. 


•  - 


- 


• 


<  '        ■<  ■         t    ■  T 

<  •   ■  I 

■     - 

•  - 


; 


106 
details  of  the  proposed  conference,  and  to  have  definite- 
ly pointed  out,  the  ground  for  the  camp  (known  as  "the 
five  li  point"  ).    The  Commissioners  had  one  objection 
to  offer;   that  was  to  the  delivery  of  the  Queen's  letter 
to  the  Emperor  by  Lord  Elgin  personally.   They  said  that 
according  to  law,  the  Emperor  was  spending  this  season 
in  his  hunting -lodge.    It  was  agreed  to  leave  this 
question  to  Lord  Elgin. 

The  next  morning, proceeding  to  the  proposed 
camp,  Mr.  Parke s  found  it  occupied  by  a  large  Tartar 
army.   Instantly, his  eyes  were  opened  to  the  treachery 
so  carefully  prepared,  and  he  succeeded  in  dispatching 
Mr.  Loch  with  the  news  to  Sir.  Hope,  thus  averting  the 
possibility  of  a  tremendous  disaster.   Ke  then  hastened 
back  to  Tung-chow,  in  order  to  get  his  party  out. 
He  also  saw  the  Commissioners,  who  told  him  that  they 
would  not  direct  the  troops  to  re  tire,  be  cause  the  audiance 
question  remained  unsettled.    When  Mr.  Parkes  said 
that  he  would  refer  this  question  to  Lord  Elgin,  they 
answered,  "You  can  do  much  more  if  you  like.  You  can 


.  . 


. 


©ri;. 


-   uc 


107 

settle  the  point  at  once  yourself;   but  you  won't". 
Y/hich  is  merely  illustrative  of  the  common  belief  among 
the  Chinese,  that  Parkes  was  the  commanding  spirit  among 
the  English.   It  was  now  a  question  of  making  good  his 
retreat.   There  were  six  miles  to  go,  and  his  party, 
which  had  been  rejoined  by  Mr.  Loch,  accompanied  by 
Capt.  Brabazon,  was  within  half  a  mile  of  safety,  when 
they  ran  into  the  Chinese  troops.   The  flag  of  truce 
was  ignored.   They  were  seized,  hauled  before  the 
Tartar  General,  Sang-ko-lin-sin,  in  front  of  whom  they 
were  thrown  violently  to  the  ground,   That  worthy  having 
amused  himself  with  a  few  gratuitous  insults,  bundled 
all  of  them  except  Parkes,  Loch,  one  of  the  Sowars, and 
two  French  soldiers  who  had  been  taken,  off  to  the  in- 
terior, where  all  but  a  few  of  the  Sikhs  succumbed  to 
cruelty  of  treatment.   Those  named  were  taken  to  Peking 
and  thrown  into  the  common  jail  (I)  . 

(I)    See  Parkes1  report  quoted  p.  384  Lane-fool e 
Vol.  II,   also  pp  (  267  -  268  )   An.  Reg.  1860. 


' 


108 
Meanwhile,  after  getting  Mr.  Parke s1  message 
Sir  Hope  had  remained  inactive  for  some  time,  for  fear 
of  inducing  rough  treatment  to  the  prisoners.   He  was 
halted  in  sight  of  the  Chinese  army,  whose  cavalry- 
was  gradually  surrounding  him.    Suddenly, , there  was 
a  commotion  in  the  Chinese  center,  and  Col.  Walker  and 
Mr.  Thompson,  with  several  of  the  soldiers, who  had 
tecome  separated  from  Parkes,  came  galloping  through 
and  made  the  English  lines.   They  had  been  attacked 
as  Parkes, under  a  flag  of  truce.   Sir  Hope  immediately 
attacked,  and  without  difficulty,  scattered  the  Chinese 
forces.    (I) 

Prirc  e  Kung,  one  of  the  three  rulers,  was 
now  attempted  to  save  the  city  by  threatening  that 
its  entry  would  "be  the  signal  for  the  massacre  of  the 
prisoners.   Lord  Elgin  met  him  by  refusing  to  enter 
into  any  negotiations  until  the  prisoners  were  liberated  , 

(I)    For  Lord  -Elgin's  dispatch  see  pp.  (26S-267) 
An.  Reg.  1860. 


T 


;  •    t  • 


•  iM 


109 
and  declaring  his  intention  to  assault  Peking  unless 
thtipy  were  delivered  in  three  days,  the  convention 
signed  at  Tung-chow,  and  the  ratifications  exchanged 
at  Peking.   Prince  Kung  failing  to  come  to  terms,  the 
army  advanced,  took  and  looted  the  palace  of  3fuen- 
min-  yuen,  or  the  Summer  Palace,   This  looting  is 
one  of  those  points  fought  about  among  the  French  and 
English  chroniclers.   The  facts  seem  to  be  that  the 
French  probably  begun  it,  but  Sir  Hope, after  reproving 
his  Allies  for  their  vandalism,  himself  naively  admits 
that  the  booty  was  divided  between  the  two  armies. (I) 

At  any  rate,  two  days  later  the  prisoners 
were  liberated.   On  the  12th  of  September,  siege  guns 
were  in  position,  and  Peking  given  until  2ioon  to  capitu- 
late.  This  was  unconditionally  done. 

Prince  Kung  had  assured  Lord  Elgin  tha  t  the 
prisoners  had  been  well  treated,  and  before  he  had 
learned  the  falsity  of  this  statement,  Elgin  had  promise 


ed 


(I)    See  correspondence  pp.  197  -  202  Knollys. 


• 


110 
to  spare  the  city.   When  he  learned  the  truth,  his 
feelings  may  he  better  imagined  than  described. 
He  immediately  addressSd  the  following  communication 
to  the  Prince.   (I) 

•  Of  the  total  number  of  twenty-six  British 
subjects  seized  in  defiance  of  honor,  and  of  the  law  of 
nations,  thirteen  only  have  been  restored  alive,  all  of 
whom  carry  on  their  persons  evidence, more  or  less  dis- 
tinctly marked,  of  the  indignities  and  ill  treatment  ; 
fr'om  which  they  have  suffered,  and  thirteen  have  been 
barbarously  murdered,  under  circumstaces  under  which  the 
undersigned  will  not  dwell,  lest  his  indignation  should 
find  vent  in  words  which  are  not  suitable  tee  a  communi- 
cation of  this  nature. 

"  Until  this  foul  deed  shall  have  been. expedi at ed, 
peace  between  Great  Britian  and  the  existing  dynasty  of 
China  is  impossible. 

"  The  following,  therefore,  are  the  conditions 
the  immediate  acceptance  of  which,  will  a.lone  avert  from 


(I)    An.  Reg.  1860. 


on 


. 


:o  wsl     Of;  , 

tO  .    : Villi 


morfw 


io   e^oxc. 

tjs  riol  itJt? 


lo 
iHv  eve  enolJB  II  tw    ,  /  1 


.. 


at  b 


edi 


, 


I) 


Ill 

it  the  doom  impending  on  it:  - 

"  What  remains  of  the  Palaseof  Yuen-Min-yuen 
which  appeas  to  be  the  place  at  which  several  of  the 
British  captives  were  subjected  to  the  grossest  indig- 
nities, will  be  immediately  levelled  to  the  ground; 
this  condition  reqires  no  assent  on  the  part  of  his 
Highness,  because  it  will  be  4tonce  carried  into  affect 
by  the  commander-in-chief. 

"  Asum  of  300,000  taels  must  be  paid  down  at 
once  to  the  officers  appointed  by  the  undersigned, 
to  receive  it,  which  sum  will  be  &pr>$rppr<iated  at  the 
discretion  of  her  Majesty's  government,  to  those  who 
have  suffered,  and  to  the  families  of  the  murdered  men. 

*   The  immediate  signature  of  the  Convention 
drawn  up  atTien-tsin,  which  shall  remain  as  it  is,wi,th 
the  single  change, that  it  shall  be  competent  for  the 
armies  of  England  and  France  to  remain  atTien-tsin 
until  the  whole  indemnities  spoken  of  in  the  said 
Convention  are  paid,  if  the  Governments  of  England  and 
Prance   see  fit  to  adopt  this  course." 


eiii  to    . 
ihi-ii.  ievr  .. 

Jo  ■  « 

i 
rroO   e 

-neiT  ft*  j 


112 
The  Convention  was  signed  October  24th,  1860, 
and  ratifications  duly  exchanged  on  November  5th.   The 
Allies  then  evacuated  Peking,  retiring  on  Tien-tsin. 

The  Convention  itself,  as  Lord  Elgin's  com- 
munication indicated,  was  merely  an  agreement  to  enforce 
the  Treaty  of  Tien-tsin.  It  contained  practically 
nothing  new,  except  the  provisions  for  indemnities 
to  the  families  of  the  murdered  prisoners,  the  insistance 
upon  legations  being  located  at  Peking,  and  the  retainal 
of  troops  at  Tien-tsin  to  enforce  these  various  stipu- 
lations.   Curiously  enough,  every  thing  was  carried 
out  according  to  agreement.    But  the  Chinese  were 
well  watched,  and, moreover,  they  had  had  a  salutary 
example  of  the  power  of  the  far-reaching  barbarian  arm. 
Though  their  hate,  or  even  their  superior  contempt  for 
foreigners  may  not  have  been  decreased,  hencefotkh  they 
at  least  knew  that  even  the  celebrated  Tartar  army  was 
no  match  for  the  unceremonious  barbarian  with  his  incon- 
siderate new  gun.   More  than  that,  it  had  begun  to  sink 


• 


- 


. 


3UQ 

\ta  b  b£  ;  s 


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,  .         wen  eJ"Biev 


113 
into  the  placid  Qelestial  mind,  that  foreigners  were, 
after  all,  easily  managed  persons,  whose  plebeian 
desire  for  trade  was  not  a  matter  of  great  moment 
and  might  even  be  turned  to  advantage  by  the  superior 
cunning  of  the  native  merchant.    So,  from  that  day 
to  this,  the  Chinaman,  finding  that  legal  commercial 
robbery  is  not  only  easier,  but  more  profitable  than 
fighting,  has  made  no  further  objection  to  trade  with 
other  nations.  - 


. 


114 

sialography. 

Annual   Register  The;    for   the  years  1847,    1849,    1850, 
1856  -  1860  -    cited  as      "  An.   Reg.   18  -    " 

Bazancourt ,   Le  3aron  de;      Les  Expeditions  de   Chine  et  de 
Cochinchine  d'apres  les  Documents  officiels. 
Two  vols.      Paris  1861.    Cited  as"Bazancourt" . 

Danvers„Frederick  Charles.      Registrar  and  Superintendent 
of  Records;      Report   to   the  Secretary  of   State 
for  India  in  Council   on  the  Records   of  the  India 
Office,    London  1888.        See  P.    P.   191   to   254  for 
Report   on  China  and  Japan.      Cited  as   "Danvers." 

Dodd,    George.    (    una elm  owl edged) .      The  History  of   the 

Indian  Revolt  and  the  Expeditions   to  Persia,    China, 
and  Japan.      1856   -   7   -  8.        London  1859.      See  P.P. 
585  -   604  for  Chapter  on   Chinese  Expedition.      Cited 
as      "Dodd." 


.     .■    . 


.....  'F' 

1   • 

eri;  ' 


.      -    .    -  -    ■ 

B£» 


115 
Dunne,  J.  H.  Prom  Calcutta  to  Peking,  being  notes 
taken  from  the  Journal  of  an  Officer  between 
those  Places.   London,  1861. 

Fisher,  C.  B.   Lt.  Col.,  Royal  Engineers.   Personal 
Narrative  of  Three  Years  Service  in  China. 
London,  1863. 

Knollys,  Henry.   Capt.  Royal  Artillery.   The  Incidents 
of  the  China  War  of  1860,  compiled  from  the  pri~ 
vate  journals  of  General  Sir  Hope  Grant  G.  C.  B. 
London,  1875. 

Knollys,  Henry,  etc.   Life  of  General  Sir  Hope  Grant, 
with  selections  from  his  correspondence.  (  Vol. 
II  contains  identical  chapters  of  proceeding 
work, with  additions)   London,  1894.   Cited 
as   "Knollys". 

Knowlton,  D.  C.  Administration  of  Sir  Josiah  and 

Sir  John  Child  in  Indian  affairs  (1680  -  1690) 
Thesis,  1898. 


• 


)      ,      ; 


I     -  '  . 


116 

Lane-Poole,  Stanley.   The  Life  of  Sir  Harry  Parkes 
K.  C.  B.,  G.  C.  M.  G.   sometime  Her  Majesty's 
Minister  to  China  and  Japan.   Two  Vols,   London 
and  Hew  York,  1894.   Cited  as  "Lane-Poole. " 

Macpherson,  Davis.   The  History  of  European  Commerce 
with  India, etc.   London,  1812. 

Martens,  G.  Fr.  de.   Mouveau  Recueil  General  des 
Trait es,  Conventions,  etc.  etc.   Cited  as 

"Martens." 

Hedhurst,  D.  D.,  W.  H. ,   China;   Its  State  and 

Prospects,  with  especial  reference  to  the  spread 
of  the  Gospel.    London,  1857. 

M*  Ghee,  The  Rev.  R.  J.  L.,  (  Chaplain  to  the  forces). 
How  We   Got  to  Pekin,  a  narrative  of  the  campaign 
in  China  in  I860.    London,  1862. 


• 


•  S18J     , 


.     . 


. 


117 

Moges,    The  Marquis  de,    attache*    to  the  Mission. 

Recollections   of  Baron  Gros's  Embassy  to   China 
and  Japan  in  1857   -   58      (    authorized  translation   ) 
London  and  Glascow,    1860.      Cited  as      "Fioges.  " 

Muter,    Mrs.      Travels  and  Adventures   of  An  Officer's 

Wife  in  India,    China  and  New  Zealand.      Two  Vols. 
London,    1864. 

Oliphant,    Lawrence,   Private  Secretary  to  Lord  Elgin. 

Narrative  of  the  Earl   of  Elgin's  Mission  to  China 
and  Japan,    in  the  years  1857, '58  &   '59.      Two  Vols. 
London,    1859.        Cited  as    "Oliphant." 

Rennie,   M.   D.,    D.   P.,    Senior  Ufcdical   Officer   of   the 

Force   in  the  North  of   China.      The  British  Arms  in 
North   China  and  Japan:      Peking  1860;   Kagosiina, 
London,    1864.        Cited  as      "Rennie." 

Santarem,    Viconde  de.        Memoria  sobre   o   estabelecimento 
de  Macao.       Lisbon, 


. 


11  .8j 


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•aiov  owt    .ea  ■ 

tb6K  ' 


rl 


. 


c 


Hi    .*.. 


emloe 


118 

Van  Braam,  Andre* Everard.  An  Authentic  Account  of  the 
Embassy  of  the  Dutch  East-India  Company,  to  the 
Court  of  the  Emperor  of  China,  in  the  years 
1794  and  1795,  etc.  etc.   Taken  from  Van  Braam1 s 
Journal.   Translated  from  the  Original  of  M.  L.  E. 
Mareau  de  Saint  Mery.  Five  Vols.   London,  1798. 

Varin,  Paul.   Expedition  de  Chine.   Paris,  1862. 

Williams,  S.  Wells.   The  Middle  Kingdom:   A  Summary  of 
the  Geography,  Government,  Education,  Social  Life, 
Arts,  Religion,  etc.  of  the  Chinese  Empire  and 
its  Inhabitants.   Three  Vols.  Hew  York  and 
London,  1848.    Cited  as  "Williams. " 

Williams,  S.  Wells.  "Present  Position  of  the  Chinese 

Empire,  in  relation  to  Intercourse  and  Trade  with 
other  Nations."   Article  VII,  in  Vol.  II.  y 
Translations  of  the  American  Ethnological  Society. 


•  •    '  .    f 


c.'V. 


< 


■» 


i  teti 


119 


Wolseley,   Lt.    Col.    G.    J.      (   d.   A.    Quarter-Master- General 
of  the  Expeditionary  Force   ).        Narrative  of   the 
War  in  China  in  1860,    etc.  London,    1862. 


- 


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